By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
Though there are many contending theories
about nationalism, they all fall into two very broad
theoretical schools of thought.
Those that come under the rubric of
perennialism or priemordialisms, assert that ethnicity is the
bedrock of nationalism. These scholars contend that nations are ancient, natural phenomena, and
since these go far back into history, nationalism is something
innate to human collectivities.
The other camp, comprising academics
variously known as constructivists, instrumentalists or
modernists, believe nationalism is socially constructed,
usually by self-serving elites, who rally the masses around
nationalism for their own political purposes.
These “imagined communities” only arose in
the recent historical past, argue the modernists, as rulers
built modern states. The growth of literacy and various
technology- enhanced communications enabled them to weld the
populations under their control into patriotic citizens.
Of course these categories are not
watertight, and in reality every form of nationalism combines
elements of both.
Take the case of Serbia’s long-time leader
Slobodan Milosevic. In the 1980s, as Yugoslavia began to
disintegrate, he, like many Communist apparatchiks, reinvented
himself as a nationalist.
He rallied the Serbian Orthodox population
to confront those that, in his mind, threatened it,
particularly the Roman Catholic Croatians and the Muslim
Bosniaks and Kosovar Albanians.
Yugoslavia, an artificial construct, was,
as a saying went, “one country with two alphabets, three
religions, four languages, five nationalities, and six
republics.”
It soon descended into a series of civil
wars. Conflict started in the former republic of Slovenia in
1991, spreading to Croatia later that year and then
Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992; in that deeply divided republic,
Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs all battled for control.
By 1998 the province of Kosovo, too,
decided to throw off Serbian rule. Although by then Orthodox
Christian ethnic Serbs were a minority in the province, with
Muslim ethnic Albanians comprising the vast majority of the
population, most Serbs considered Kosovo the birthplace of
their nation and were determined to keep it.
In order to hold on to Kosovo, Milosevic
would now stir up nationalist passions by invoking the memory
of one of the Serbian people’s great tragedies: the Battle of
the Field of Blackbirds, which had taken place 600 years
earlier, in 1389.
Some 12,000 to 30,000 troops of the Serbian
Principality under Prince Lazar Hrebeljanovic faced an
estimated 27,000 to 40,000 troops of the invading Ottoman
Turkish army under the personal command of Murad I, the
reigning sultan.
It resulted in the defeat of the Serbian
army; the Ottomans continued their conquest of the entire
Balkan region, while it cost the Serbs their political
freedom.
Serbs would now chafe under Ottoman rule
and would not re-emerge as a sovereign nation until the mid-19th
century.
Memories of the heroic last stand by Prince
Lazar and his knights sustained the Serbian popular
imagination during those five centuries.
In 1988, a coffin purporting to contain
Lazar’s mummified remains was taken on a triumphal tour around
Serbia by Milosevic and displayed in front of large gatherings
of wailing mourners.
A year later, Milosevic marked the
anniversary of the battle at Gazimestan, the monument located
near the battle site. This “sacred ground” served Milosevic
with a “usable past.”
Galvanized by his rhetoric, some in the
crowd, estimated at between half a million and two million
people, called Milosevic “Little Lazar,” while others chanted
“Europe, don’t you remember that we defended you!”
This referred to a key element of the
Kosovo myth, that Serbia sacrificed itself in defending
Christian Europe against the encroaching Muslim Turks.
But in 1999, following the NATO-backed
Kosovo Liberation Army’s campaign against the Serbs, Milosevic
lost the province, which is now an independent state, though
Serbia refuses to acknowledge its sovereign status.
Milosevic was himself indicted for war
crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia for his role in ethnically cleansing Kosovo during
the 1999 war; he died in 2006 while the trial was in progress.
So was Milosevic a primordialist or an
instrumentalist? Clearly a combination of both.
Meanwhile, Kosovo remains a troubled land.
In the northern part of the country, where ethnic Serbs
predominate, they want to be a part of Serbia.
“First we were forced to live under the
Turks,” remarked a Serbian Orthodox monk. “Now it is under the
Albanians and the Americans.”
He was hopeful that the Serbs would restore their medieval dominion over Kosovo. The Balkans remain a ground of contention where the past is never dead.
He was hopeful that the Serbs would restore their medieval dominion over Kosovo. The Balkans remain a ground of contention where the past is never dead.