Professor Henry Srebrnik

Professor Henry Srebrnik

Saturday, July 06, 2024

Separatism in Flanders Endangers Belgium

 By Henry Srebrnik, [Saint John, N.B.] Telegraph-Journal

Belgium went to the polls on June 9. But the country doesn’t really have a “national” election. There are separate votes in Dutch-speaking Flanders and French-speaking Wallonia. Most Flemish voters can only vote for Flemish parties, and French speakers can vote for French-speaking parties. In the capital, Brussels, Belgians can pick and choose.

This has created a fragmented political landscape. Traditional parties don’t operate nationwide. They split into Flemish and French-speaking parties decades ago, catering to their own regions. The issue of identity threatens the continued existence of the Kingdom of Belgium, now six years short of its 200th birthday.

This country of 11 million people now has a nest of parliaments: a federal one; one each for its three regions; and then yet other ones for the French, Dutch and German-speaking “communities.”

 Government is duplicated rather than deepened by levels of public spending that are among the highest in the European Union. In Belgium responsibility is shared between so many layers that ultimately no one is in charge.

Sixty per cent of Belgians are Flemish, and two thirds of the national wealth is created in Flanders. The Constitution, however, gives parity to French speakers in the number of ministerial posts.

Ethnic conflict in Belgium has historically been intense, but generally peaceful. Its roots are linguistic: most of the population speaks Dutch, but the official language in the nineteenth century was French. Ethnic demands and conflict management strategies were initially non-territorial, but increasingly acquired a territorial aspect.

 

The fact that Dutch and French speakers were territorially mostly segregated facilitated this evolution. As well, after 1945 divergent economic developments between the Flemish north and francophone south, with the former becoming far more prosperous, gave rise to a genuine Walloon nationalism.

 

In 1962 the cultural and linguistic border was drawn for the first time between the Flemish and French-speaking areas. In 1963 language laws established Flemish, French and German as the official languages for their geographical areas.

Most institutions in the country are now divided. There is no longer even a single national broadcasting service, though separate channels are provided to the different language groups, Dutch, French and German. As a consequence, the general news agendas of Flanders and Wallonia are also entirely different.

It is largely Flemish nationalism that has made the country’s future precarious. Some use it to push a liberal economic agenda while others push exclusionary identity politics. There are also “Orangists,” who see Flemish independence as a step towards a union with the ethnically similar Netherlands.

In Flanders, migration was a major concern on June 9, with people calling it the “biggest problem.” That explains the position of Vlaams Belang (VB), an anti-immigration and separatist party calling to close the borders. 

A few weeks before vote, the party’s leader, Tom Van Grieken said Flanders should become an independent republic, with Brussels as its capital. “Belgium is a failed state,” he declared.

The VB has called Belgium a “forced marriage” and says it will work towards an amicable dissolution from Wallonia. It wants to split the country, starting with a “declaration of sovereignty” backed by a Flemish majority.

One of the ironies about Belgium being described as a failed state is there is less for the state to fail at than almost any other European country because so much power has been devolved to the three regions – Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels.

From cradle to grave, the lives of Belgium’s divided communities barely overlap, with different schools, media, language and lifestyle. Its international borders are almost invisible, yet its internal ones are unignorable, as historian Tony Judt, has pointed out.

Secession would be simple, but pointless, he argued in a 1999 essay entitled “The Stateless State: why Belgium Matters.” Judt concluded that “We all know, at the end of the twentieth century, that you can have too much state. But Belgium may be a useful reminder that you can also have too little.”

Belgium offers a lesson in stability through chaos. Even its demise would be serene. It is the world’s most successful failed state. This is, after all, a country where someone sabotaged a nuclear-power station in 2014, without causing too much of a stir. A reputation for slack policing and arms-smuggling made it a perfect hub for Islamist terrorists, who killed scores between 2015 and 2016 in Belgium and France.

In any case, a new national government is likely to coalesce around the Flemish right-wing New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), which is autonomist rather than secessionist, and beat the VB in Flanders June 9. Its leader, Bart De Wever, is trying to form a ruling federal coalition. This is the first time a member of the N-VA has a clear shot at the country’s top job. But at least five parties, French and Flemish, may have to be involved.

The N-VA has dismissed separatism in the short term and wants to reform the Belgian state into a “confederal” one instead, moving all power to the regional level but keeping a national brand for things like foreign affairs and national defence. De Wever is also championing a classic conservative program of fiscal discipline and law and order. So he’s seen as somewhat less “dangerous,” for those who wish to see Belgium remain one state, no matter how tenuous.

 

Thursday, July 04, 2024

Left-wing Forces Allied in French Election

 By Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian

Following the first round of the French elections to the National Assembly June 30, most commentators highlighted the significant gains by the Rassemblement National, which came in first in the popular vote, gaining some 34 per cent. This has led to the prospect of Marine Le Pen’s party gaining control of the government, with Jordan Bardella as prime minister.

Less noticed was the tally of the Nouveau Front Populaire, which also gained an astonishing measure of support, at close to 29 percent. In other words, the two groups on the far sides of the political spectrum dominated the contest, with President Emmanuel Macron’s own centrist Ensemble alliance, at about 20 percent, coming in a distant third.

Whatever the final seat count, which will be determined in the coming July 7 second round, in constituencies where no one reached a majority of 50 per cent, the new French prime minister will not be an ally of the president. This will result in what the French call cohabitation and make it even more difficult to govern the country.

So just what are the parties of this far-left Nouveau Front Populaire coalition? On June 14, the party leaders of La France Insoumise, the Parti Socialiste, the Parti Communiste, and Les Écologistes met to lay out in greater detail the 150-measure “legislative contract” that makes up the alliance’s policy platform. Its leader is Jean-Luc Mélenchon.

In the first-round vote on June 30, France Insoumise candidates ran in 229 seats, followed by 175 candidacies for the Parti Socialiste, 92 for the Écologistes and 50 for the Parti Communiste.

They laid out the major points of a governing program that includes an increase in the minimum wage, investments in public services, a repeal of Macron’s 2023 retirement reform, a restoration of taxes on the wealthiest fortunes, and a move toward “ecological planning.”

Given the potential formation of a Rassemblement National government, this Nouveau Front Populaire is more than just a survival pact between parties. Its leaders are promising to work closely with social movements and associations to build a durable coalition against the right.

After the statements from party top brass, a Confédération Générale du Travail trade unionist from a recently shuttered Stellantis automobile factory in the Paris suburbs took to the podium to offer his “full support” of the alliance. He was followed by the director of Greenpeace France, who praised the Front’s program as “rising to the challenge of transforming society.”

There were points of tension that the coalition faced, including France Insoumise’s response to the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which the party refused to term a terrorist attack. This put it at odds with the Parti Socialiste.

But these divisions merely papered over an obvious fact: without unity, France’s left-wing parties would have stood no chance in these snap elections, in all likelihood increasing the odds of a victory for the Rassemblement National.

Though unlikely, if it managed to be elected on July 7, this Popular Front would enact the biggest policy shift by a Western power on the Israel-Palestine conflict since the Gaza war began.

It calls for an immediate cease-fire in Israel’s war in Gaza, alongside the liberation of all Israeli hostages in Gaza and Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli jails, along with an arms embargo and the suspension of the EU’s association agreement with Israel.

While defining the Hamas attacks as terrorist, a left-alliance government would seek sanctions against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government and work to enforce potential International Criminal Court warrants against Israeli officials. The left-wing alliance also calls for “immediate recognition” of Palestinian statehood.

Also on international policy, the alliance’s agreement says it “unconditionally supports the sovereignty and liberty of the Ukrainian people as well as the integrity of their borders.” It would pursue further arms deliveries, the cancellation of Ukrainian foreign debt, and the seizure of assets in France owned by Russian oligarchs.

Such a leftist government would find itself totally at odds with President Macron, and this would immobilize French policy across many fields, domestic and foreign. The Fourth French republic was destroyed over the French pursuit of colonial wars in Algeria and Vietnam. Would the Fifth Republic created by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 go the same way? It’s unlikely but France is a politically volatile nation.

 

Wednesday, July 03, 2024

“Anti-Zionist” Jews Disgrace Themselves

 By Henry Srebrnik, [Winnipeg] Jewish Post & News

Is so-called “anti-Zionism” antisemitic? It was not always so. Prior to the Holocaust and the creation of a Jewish state, many Jews did consider Zionism – a return to the Land of Israel -- unworkable, unnecessary, even wrong-headed. In the United States, prior to the Holocaust, Reform Jews in the American Council for Judaism were committed to the proposition that Jews are not a national but a religious group. Jewish socialists and others on the political left, including the influential Jewish Labour Bund, were opposed to what they thought was an ideological “bourgeois” error.

But these were internal debates in the Diaspora, and in any case most non-Jewish people had little say about them -- if they even bothered to pay any attention to these internal arguments within Jewish circles. Nor, obviously, did those politically against the Zionist movement ally with pogromists who slaughtered Jews.

All of that is history, really part of a vanished Jewish world. Yes, there are remnants of that past, in sectors of the haredi world. The Satmar Hasidim are the most visible. They are theologically committed to a reading of Jewish history that considers that the recreation of a Jewish nation must await the Messiah. They are “anti-Zionists” in the legitimate sense of the word, but no one thinks they want to kill the Jews in Israel or elsewhere.

That’s a different matter than today’s Jewish anti-Zionists, who are largely uninformed about Judaism, Jewish history and culture. They are a fringe group, allied with states and ideologies that want to eliminate the existing Jewish state of Israel and perhaps even murder most of its Jewish population and expel the remainder. Today’s version has more to do with pre-war German Nazi eliminationism than with long-forgotten intra-Jewish disputes.

Assimilated into left-wing movements and doctrines, these Jews are in most cases little more than Jews through genealogy, “Jews in name only,” making political use of that on behalf of those wishing to destroy Israel. Their “anti-Zionism” is part of the larger antisemitic movements arrayed against us, and they serve, to use a well-known term, “useful idiots.” They make use of general slogans, identity politics and symbolic statements like wearing a keffiyeh, with minimal complexity and knowledge.

They are producing vast amounts of simplistic one-sided literature and media. One example is the film “Israelism,” the story of two young American Jews “raised to defend the state of Israel at all costs” who “join the movement battling the old guard over Israel’s centrality in American Judaism, and demanding freedom for the Palestinian people.” Call them “Jewish shields” for the pro-Palestinian left that is glorifying the post-October 7 pogrom by Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

“Antisemitism in Canada and abroad is primarily presenting itself through the prism of anti-Zionism, which, in my opinion, is the most pervasive form of antisemitism, and the most perverse in a number of ways,” remarked Casey Babb, a senior fellow with the Macdonald-Laurier Institute and the Institute for National Security Studies. I guess our Jewish “anti-Zionists,” wilfully blinded by the company they keep,  refuse to see what’s in front of our eyes.

Fortunately, here in Canada, despite the noise they make, such anti-Zionist Jews are a tiny and marginalized group. Professor Robert Brym of the Department of Sociology at the University of Toronto and probably Canada’s most eminent Jewish academic, on May 30 released an addition to his lengthy “Jews and Israel Survey 2024” published in the spring 2024 issue of the journal Canadian Jewish Studies.

To his question “Do you believe Israel has the right to exist as a Jewish state?” 91 per cent of his Canadian Jewish respondents answered in the affirmative, six per cent said they don’t know, and only three percent said no.

We know the difference between legitimate criticism of Israel and antisemitism. The belief that the Jews, alone among the people of the world, do not have a right to self-determination, or that the Jewish people’s religious and historical connection to Israel is invalid, is inherently bigoted. When Jews are verbally or physically harassed or Jewish institutions and houses of worship are vandalized in response to actions of the State of Israel, it is antisemitism.

Expressions of anti-Zionism include downplaying or negating the historic and spiritual Jewish connection to the land of Israel, and the insistence on holding Israel to unreasonable standards when viewing its response to threats in comparison to the actions of other members of the international community.

Now many of these Jewish anti-Zionists don’t necessarily agree with everything listed above. But by associating and collaborating with those who do, they are at the very least, to use an old-fashioned phrase, “fellow travellers” allied to these antisemitic movements. And they can be paraded before the media as Jews who have seen the evil that Israel causes. What better evidence?

Some of Canada’s most disruptive actions and blockades have been coordinated by groups with U.S. funding and organizational links. For example, the Tides Foundation, a San Francisco-based “social justice” non-profit has supported Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) and IfNotNow, among others, in the United States. Both have been perennial organizers of anti-Israel rallies and blockades.

The Canadian affiliate of JVP, Independent Jewish Voices Canada, calls itself a “grassroots organization in Canada grounded in Jewish tradition that opposes all forms of racism & advocates for justice and peace for all in Palestine-Israel.” It calls Zionism “the political ideology that has provided the basis for Israel’s settler-colonial project and unfolding genocide in Palestine.”

They are indeed “useful,” and antisemites know it. On May 27, for instance, a representative was on Parliament Hill holding a press conference insisting that the country’s network of pro-intifada campus encampments was not antisemitic.

On June 10 the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC), one of Canada’s largest public sector unions, which is actively engaged in Pro-Palestinian activities, held a discussion “Addressing Islamophobia and antisemitism in the Workplace.” Of course no Jew supporting Israel was invited, not even Deborah Lyons, Canada’s Special Envoy on Holocaust Remembrance and Combating Antisemitism, and a former ambassador to Israel.

The panelists were Amira Elghawaby, Canada’s Special Representative on Combatting Islamophobia, and, on the Jewish side, Avi Lewis, a former Al Jazeera correspondent and now an associate professor of “social and political change” at the University of British Columbia (UBC).

However, Lewis, scion of a prominent family that has been for decades active in the New Democratic Party – grandfather David led the federal NDP and father Stephen was head of the Ontario party -- is an active “anti-Zionist,” a member of the anti-Zionist Independent Jewish Voices Canada, and a co-founder of the UBC chapter of the Jewish Faculty Network. 

Richard Marceau, vice president of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, said the union’s efforts at doing something about antisemitism were disappointing.

“Inviting someone like Avi Lewis -- who is not an expert on antisemitism, who is a marginal figure in the Jewish community and who is viciously opposed to Israel -- to train union members on antisemitism shows how unserious PSAC is about combatting Jew-hatred,” he stated.

Yes, Jews can be Jew-haters too. (The term “self-hating Jew” is silly; they hate other Jews, not themselves.) Such Jews now face anti-Israel sentiment of unprecedented ferocity, often couched in the language of social justice, critical race theory, and so-called intersectionality. It is sustained by the hegemonic hold of a theory of “settler colonialism,” now ubiquitous in Canada’s universities, and one which deems Israel an illegitimate colonial settler state.

And Palestinian academics known how to use this terminology to make their case. Typical is an article by Joseph Massad, a professor of modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University, New York. In a May 30 oped, “Instead of Recognizing ‘Palestine,’ Countries Should Withdraw Recognition of Israel,” published on the website Middle East Eye, he uses all the correct buzzwords, referring to “Israel's illegality as an institutionally Jewish supremacist racist state.” He considers the very establishment of this “settler-colonialist” state “an illegal act and in violation of the very UN resolutions that proposed its establishment.”

Massad therefore advocates the “dismantlement of Israel’s racist structures and laws” in favour of “one decolonised state, from the river to the sea, in which everyone living within it is equal before the law and does not benefit from any racial, ethnic, or religious privileges.” Only the end of the Israeli “settler-colonial state” will lead to a “decolonised anti-racist and democratic outcome.”

Massad’s analysis and prescription is the true bedrock Palestinian position, as presented for western ears. (Hamas’ creed is a different matter.) The theoretical construct behind it is one that fits completely within today’s liberal-progressive ideology espoused by the intellectual elites in western countries now. The “anti-Zionist” Jews reading them usually know far less about what the Jewish people have gone through historically. This makes them easy prey for our enemies.

Natan Sharansky, currently Chair of the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP), and McGill University history professor Gil Troy, in a June 16, 2021 Tablet article entitled “The Un-Jews,” asserted that these people “are trying to disentangle Judaism from Jewish nationalism, the sense of Jewish peoplehood.” And the voices of these “inflamed Jewish opponents of Israel and Zionism are in turn amplified by a militant progressive superstructure that now has an ideological lock on the discourse in American academia, publishing, media, and the professions.”

We hear it from progressives like the author Naomi Klein, who is professor of Climate Justice at the University of British Columbia (and married to Avi Lewis). Klein’s Passover message in the April 24 British Guardian newspaper was headlined “We Need an Exodus from Zionism.”  She told readers that “we don’t need or want the false idol of Zionism. We want freedom from the project that commits genocide in our name.”

For Klein, Zionism “takes our most profound biblical stories of justice and emancipation from slavery-- the story of Passover itself -- and turns them into brutalist weapons of colonial land theft, roadmaps for ethnic cleansing and genocide.”  The creation of the State of Israel, and the entire Zionist movement, was a ghastly mistake and Jewish life is best led in exile.

“Arguing for the purity of exile and powerlessness, and demanding abandonment of the now-impure Jewish State,” Elliott Abrams, currently a senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, observes sadly that “we have indeed been watching the young American Jews who helped build those campus tent cities and joined the denunciations of the Jewish State.”

In “American Jewish Anti-Zionist Diasporism: A Critique,” in the May 2024 issue of the British periodical Fathom, he sees them following the lead of “the hundreds of Jewish professors who wish to proclaim their virtue by lining up against the Jewish State.”

Finally, there are the many Jews like Rabbi Elchanan Poupko, the president of EITAN--the American Israeli Jewish Network, whose anger at anti-Zionists is palpable. In “Anti-Zionist Jews, Have You Seen the Mirror?” a blog published on the Times of Israel website, May 28, 2024, he points out their hypocrisy.

“The people who were angry at Birthright for taking them on a free, all-expenses paid trip to Israel without taking them to Gaza, Ramallah, and Sheikh Jarrah were somehow unable to utter the words Kibbutz Be’eri, Sderot, Metula, Kiryat Shmona, or the massacre at Nova music festival. Those who were angry at their teachers for celebrating Yom Ha’atzmaut with no mention of the Nakba were suddenly unable to speak about the Hamas charter calling for the killing of Jews worldwide.

“Yet perhaps worst of all, was not what anti-Zionist Jews said -- or did not say -- but rather the company anti-Zionist Jews have chosen to keep. Over the past few months, anti-Zionist Jews have stood shoulder to shoulder with masked and uniformed individuals in public places, physically blocking off ‘Zionists.’”

 They exclude their fellow Jews from public spaces in universities, side with terrorist organizations that call for the annihilation of all Jews in the world and make partnerships “with what is objectively the most antisemitic movement since the Holocaust,” he writes.

Rabbi Poupko lives in New Haven, Connecticut. The region is home to Yale University, Quinnipiac University, Albertus Magnus College, the University of New Haven, and Southern Connecticut State University, making it a hub of higher education – and, of course, pro-Palestinian protests. “I got to see firsthand what anti-Zionism in Jewish spaces meant. A group of anti-Zionist Jews shared to their social media videos with cheers like ‘there is only one solution – intifada revolution,’ which is a call for deadly violence.”

As Iran began shooting ballistic missiles and drones carrying hundreds of tons of explosives at Israel’s civilian population, “many anti-Zionist Jews were there to explain why Iran was justified in its attacks on Israel. Jewish Voices for Peace posted a photo of Houthis in Yemen praising the pro-terror mobs on campus.”

He concludes by noting the irony of anti-Zionist Jews siding with the mobs behind the greatest push for Diasporic Jews to move to Israel. “Those who want you to believe Jewish safety should not depend on the State of Israel have helped make much of the diaspora unsafe for Jews and Jewish life.” When the people you march with “are the reason countless synagogues, JCCs, and day schools are hiring more security, you probably don’t get credit for making Jewish life in the Diaspora more appealing.”

Such Jews are betting their present and future will be outside the confines of the Jewish people, and they will do anything to gain the acceptance of the antisemitic circles in which they traffic. “When anti-Zionist Jews hold signs that say: ‘this Jew is against genocide,’ besides for defaming other Jews as being for genocide, they also often forget the truly genocidal company they keep, company that would like to eradicate the State of Israel. It is time for anti-Zionist Jews to take a look in the mirror.”

Bottom line: Whatever we call it, and however they can be distinguished, both terms, antisemitism and anti-Zionism, are in today’s context simply manifestations of Jew- hatred.