By Henry Srebrnik, [Fredericton, NB] Daily Gleaner
The Houthis struck the Israeli community of Ashkelon on December 25, the fifth such attack on the Jewish state in that week.
A Zaydi Shi’a Muslim armed movement in Yemen, they have advanced weapons that include cruise and surface-to-surface missiles, as well as drones. These assets are spread out over large areas and are difficult to reach, making it challenging for Israel to create a bank of targets.
Israeli airstrikes in turn have targeted the international airport in the capital, Sana’a, and ports at Hodeida, Al-Salif and Ras Qantib, along with fuel depots and power stations. The Israeli strikes were carried out by fighter jets, refuelers, and spy planes. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that Israel would act against the Houthis with the same force it used against Iran’s other “terrorist arms.”
Ranked 183rd out of 191 nations in terms of its economy, Yemen is a poverty-stricken state. It has an annual per capita income of just $477 (compared to $3,372 in the Palestinian territories). Around two-thirds of its population – roughly 30 million people – live with food insecurity or outright hunger.
Today, the Houthis rule over northwestern Yemen, controlling approximately one-third of the country’s territory and two-thirds of its population of 34 million, following a vicious civil war that began in September 2014 when their forces captured the capital, Sana’a, followed by a rapid takeover of the government. Ties between Iran and the Houthis expanded markedly when the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, regional rivals of Tehran, launched a military campaign against the Houthis in 2015.
But since the start of the Gaza war, these Yemeni militants have turned their weapons on Israel, both via missile attacks and by a maritime blockade in the Red Sea. During that time, the group, which is in control of northern Yemen, has launched over 1,000 projectiles at Israel, at international shipping in the Red Sea, and at the Western coalition seeking to defend both Israel and the shipping.
A proxy of Iran and a member of its Axis of Resistance network, the Houthis have fired on ships, seized one vessel, and sunk two others in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. They have upended shipping routes, cut sharply into the revenues of the Suez Canal in Egypt, and have had a negative effect on the global economy.
Iran is ultimately at fault because it supplies the Houthis with weapons and encourages them to behave like pirates. But so far the various navies in the region, including the American Fifth Fleet, whose area of operations includes the Arabian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, Red Sea, and parts of the Indian Ocean, have done too little to break it.
Until these recent strikes aimed at Israeli territory, the most significant damage the Houthis have caused to Israel has come from cutting off the Eilat port’s Red Sea lifeline.
Deterrence vis-à-vis the Houthis would have some important benefits -- ending the groups missile and drone fire on southern and central Israel as well as re-opening Eilat’s port for business -- but it will be fleeting.
If the Houthi regime is allowed to continue to build up its military power and entrench its control, future confrontations will be at the time and place of their choosing. So Israel must set realistic aims for the extent to which it can reshape Yemen’s strategic environment or remake its political order.
The Houthis, however, remain defiant. “We will not stop until the aggression against our people in Gaza ceases,” Hazem al-Asad, a member of the Houthi’ political bureau, insisted Dec. 24. “The Houthis are stronger, more technically proficient, and more prominent members of the Axis of Resistance than they were at the war’s outset, Michael Knights, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, wrote in October.
“The Houthis have arguably weathered the year of war without suffering major setbacks,” he pointed out in “A Draw Is a Win: The Houthis After One Year of War,” in the CTC Sentinel, published at the United States Military Academy at West Point. “They appear to have lost no senior leaders and no terrain since the war began, nor have they been notably economically damaged and the Houthi currency remains more stable than that of the internationally recognized government of Yemen.”
Their drones, missiles and other projectiles are highlighting a dilemma: how to defeat an enemy armed with a relatively cheaper and comparatively ample stockpile of weapons.
As a result the Houthis are becoming more prominent members of the Axis of Resistance and their leader Abdul-Malik Badruldeen al-Houthi is even being touted as potentially taking the place of Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah, who was killed by Israel last September, and acting as a symbolic head of the pro-Iran alliance.
“In the absence of Nasrallah, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi has moved swiftly to fill the void,” remarked Mohammed Albasha, a U.S.-based security analyst who specializes in the Middle East and Yemen. “The Houthis have seized the spotlight.”
Meanwhile, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced penalties Dec. 19 on Hashem al-Madani, the governor of the central bank in Houthi-controlled Sana’a, along with several Houthi officials and companies. He was described as the “primary overseer of funds sent to the Houthis” by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.