Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
When it comes to its foreign policy towards Russia and
Ukraine, Israel walks a diplomatic tightrope.
The Jewish state must take into consideration all kinds of factors: its relationship with both countries, one of them a great power; its alliance with the United States, which strongly backs Kyiv in its struggle with Moscow; and the effect of its policies on the situation of the still substantial Jewish communities in both of the former Soviet states.
The Jewish state must take into consideration all kinds of factors: its relationship with both countries, one of them a great power; its alliance with the United States, which strongly backs Kyiv in its struggle with Moscow; and the effect of its policies on the situation of the still substantial Jewish communities in both of the former Soviet states.
This has led to some uncomfortable situations.
A Defense Ministry-approved deal to sell drones to Ukraine
was vetoed by the Foreign Ministry amid fears Russia would disapprove, Israel’s
Channel 2 reported on Sept. 15. Israel was concerned a drone sale to Ukraine
would anger Russia.
When Russia annexed the Crimea in March, Jews in the region were
divided in their attitudes. Most Crimean Jews, Russian speaking, supported the
move, while those in Ukraine were opposed. Jews in Russia on the whole
supported the move.
The 193-member UN General Assembly on March 27 voted
100 to 11 to denounce the Crimean referendum that paved
the way for the absorption of the peninsula into Russia.
Another 58 countries abstained, while the remaining 24 did not vote.
“Our basic position is that we hope Russia and Ukraine
will find a way as quickly as possible to normalize relations,
and find a way to talks, and to solve all the problems
peacefully,” remarked Israel’s Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman at a
Jerusalem news conference in April.
The United States was not happy with Israel. “We were
surprised Israel did not join the vast majority of countries that
vowed to support Ukraine’s territorial integrity in the UN,” U.S.
State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki said at a briefing after
the UN vote.
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman is himself Soviet-born.
He comes from Chisinau (Kishinev), in Moldova, and is the founder and leader of
the Yisrael Beiteinu party, whose electoral base consists of immigrants from
the former USSR.
Lieberman, who immigrated to Israel in 1978, admires Russian
President Vladimir Putin, and in December 2011 appeared with him just days
after a contested legislative election in Russia. In turn, the Russian leader
visited Israel in June 2012.
“We are very happy
that people from the Soviet Union build such a brilliant political career,”
said Putin in 2009, when Lieberman was first appointed to the position by Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Of course America remains Israel’s lifeline, its main
economic, ideological, and political ally. Still, in the final analysis,
Israel, as a beleaguered state now surrounded on virtually all sides by chaos
and violence in neighbouring countries, must hedge its bets.
In a Middle East that is exploding, Israel can’t depend on
just one great power ally. The recent Gaza war, and the different approaches to
Iran’s nuclear ambitions, has exposed rifts between Netanyahu and U.S.
President Barack Obama.
Meanwhile, on Sept. 16 Ukraine’s parliament passed
legislation to grant special status to the rebellious east as part of a peace
deal, hopefully ending a war with Russian-backed separatists that has killed more than
3,000 people.
It grants three years of self-rule, including the election
of local councils, in parts of the war-torn east and calls for local elections
in November. It also allows for local oversight on court and prosecutor
appointments and local control of police forces. And it gives the region the
right to use Russian as an official language.
Israeli diplomats may now have less to worry about.
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