By Henry Srebrnik, Fredericton Daily Gleaner
Until recently, the United States was the principal driver of the international liberal world order. But since his return to the presidency, Donald Trump’s bid to dislodge the multilateralist moorings of that order has troubled small states around the world, including those in the grouping known as the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).
Formed in 1973, with the signing of the Treaty of Chaguaramas, it today consists of 14 sovereign member states and six associate members. At a meeting in May in St. Kitts and Nevis, CARICOM foreign ministers resolved to place greater emphasis on current geopolitical developments, now that China has become a near-peer competitor to the United States.
St. Kitts and Nevis Foreign Minister Denzil Douglas observed that the geopolitical landscape “represents an inflection point for CARICOM that requires unity of vision and mission.” Earlier in July, Jamaica’s prime minister, Andrew Holness, drew attention to “the broader global context” the Caribbean faces.
China’s Foreign Minister, Wang Yi met with the foreign ministers and the representatives of those Caribbean countries having diplomatic relations with China in Beijing the same month. It marked the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the China-CELAC Forum, the primary platform for advancing political dialogue, economic collaboration, and cultural exchanges between China and the region.
“Caribbean countries are an indispensable part of the China-CELAC Forum, and China-Caribbean cooperation has broad prospects,” he told them. “Looking ahead, both sides should work together to deepen and strengthen the China-Caribbean comprehensive cooperative partnership.”
Beijing’s engagement in the Caribbean has largely focused on investments in infrastructure and developing trade relationships. In 2018, Trinidad and Tobago became the first island country to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), followed by Suriname, Guyana, Dominica, Antigua and Barbuda, and Barbados. In 2019, the two largest economies in the Caribbean, Jamaica and the Dominican Republic, also joined. Today, 10 are members.
The impact of this expansion has been significant. By 2023, direct investment from China in island countries reached $3.3 billion, while infrastructure contracts amounted to $32.2 billion. The Caribbean has become a destination for cheap Chinese products, and the region a key source of bauxite, gold, oil, and natural gas for Beijing.
Far from being a simple investment and development cooperation relationship, China’s presence in the Caribbean is part of a long-term strategy, where the economy is only the first phase of a broader model of domination. “We are not talking about a democratic country, but about companies that are part of a repressive system,” according to Ryan Berg, director of the Americas Program at the Washington-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
The Caribbean has strategic value as a logistics, financial, and commercial hub. Its access to key maritime routes makes it a fundamental link in China’s projection of global power. China’s port expansion in the Caribbean is one of its greatest geostrategic objectives. “China takes advantage of its commercial presence to strengthen its influence in defense matters, using key infrastructures such as ports to consolidate its global position,” Berg noted.
One of these is the Freeport Container Port (FCP) in the Bahamas, known as the “Transshipment Hub of the Americas.” It is a key point in terms of regional security, “so China’s interest in this territory is no coincidence,” according to Evan Ellis, an expert in Sino-Latin American relations at the U.S War College Strategic Institute in Carlisle, PA.
Another key part of China’s strategy has been to consolidate its position as the region’s largest lender, with more than eight billion dollars granted over the last two decades, according to data from the Inter-American Dialogue. This has been particularly evident in Jamaica, considered the anchor of Beijing’s investments in the Caribbean. The country has received nearly two billion dollars in government loans for strategic infrastructure projects and three billion in direct investment in key sectors such as bauxite mining and sugar production.
China is also working towards diminishing the region’s ties to Taiwan, Beijing’s rival. The one-China principle, which deems Taiwan to be an “inalienable” part of China, is part of this effort. Nine CARICOM members have diplomatic relations with China, the remainder -- St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, St. Kitts and Nevis, Haiti, and Belize -- with Taiwan.
Indeed, five of the 12 countries in the world that still officially recognize Taipei are in this region, making the Caribbean a crucial arena in China’s geopolitical strategy. Beijing has deployed a systematic diplomatic offensive to reduce the number of Taiwan’s allies, using economic incentives and promises of investment as pressure mechanisms.
Taiwan of course rejects China’s claim over it, as do those CARICOM member states that have diplomatic relations with the island entity. Taiwan’s sovereignty-driven aspirations resonate with some CARICOM members; they are postcolonial states that also faced struggles of their own for self-determination and independence. In addition, Taiwan has a strong focus on development aid and technical assistance, geared towards those in CARICOM who diplomatically back Taipei. “The Caribbean has become a silent battlefield in China’s crusade to erode Taiwan’s diplomatic ties, a priority in Xi Jinping’s foreign policy,” according to Ellis.
The current moment of uncertainty for U.S.-CARICOM relations makes it harder for CARICOM member states to rely on America, and it has provided an opening for increased Chinese influence in the region, one detrimental to Taiwan.
No comments:
Post a Comment