By Henry Srebrnik, Saint John Telegraph-Journal
The Sultanate of Oman has rarely captured the world’s attention, but it has become a key player in the struggle over the Strait of Hormuz, the major waterway handling about one-fifth of worldwide oil and liquefied natural gas shipments to world markets. They come from the Gulf states of Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.
Most of Oman lies across from Iran on the Gulf of Oman, but its Musandam Peninsula, separated from the rest of the country by the United Arab Emirates, looks like a spear facing the Strait of Hormuz. The narrow channel, approximately just 50 kilometres wide at the narrowest point, is therefore jointly controlled by Oman and Iran.
Oman is considering joining Iran in collecting a toll for ships navigating the Strait, creating a bilateral Iranian-Omani governance structure. On August 5, the Islamic Republic News Agency reported that in early April Tehran and Muscat began talking about the future of the Strait. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi met with Sultan Haitham bin Tariq on April 26 to talk about security concerns. Delegations continued to travel to each other’s capitals.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry five days later declared that the Islamic Republic and Oman were developing mechanisms to monitor the safe passage of shipping through the Strait, while maintaining that continued American violations of an earlier Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) prevented the strategic waterway from being declared safe.
Spokesperson Esmail Baghaei said that the discussions between Tehran and Muscat were progressing, with the two sides having reached an understanding on a traffic map through the Strait. He added that compensation for maritime services would ordinarily be expected. “As a rule, when you provide maritime services, you should definitely receive compensation for it,” he said.
The negotiations with Oman were therefore focused specifically on establishing a safe shipping route, while the question of fully opening the Strait remained linked to the broader military situation. Baghaei stated on August 5 that “our country’s relevant authorities are considering its several dimensions --technical, legal, security, and ecological.” Environmental fees are Iran’s euphemism for tolls. Baghaei also cautioned that an agreement with Oman alone will not secure navigation through the Strait, and there remain “other factors” that make things. He referred to the naval blockade against Iran and “other invasive and threatening actions” by the United States.
Nour News, close to Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, reiterated Baghaei’s point in an editorial. It argued that the agreement with Oman concerns only operating the waterway and will not alone result in a reopening of the Strait. Unmolested transit through the Strait will depend on factors such as unfreezing Iran’s financial assets.
Nour News also reported that, over a specific period, Iran will operate the entry of ships through the northern corridor into the Persian Gulf, and Iran and Oman will co-direct their exit through the southern corridor. “After the specified period, the transit of ships through both northern and southern corridors will stop, and all transits will pass through the middle corridor.” The tolls received from the vessels will depend on various factors, such as the type and value of the service” provided by Iran and Oman. These services include insurance, refueling, environmental services, and other naval support.
Tasnim News, close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, published an editorial arguing that the United States cannot militarily restore the previous status quo in the Strait of Hormuz. “Minesweeping, escorts, and retaliatory effects are not synonymous with returning to normal maritime conditions,” as delays, high insurance rates, and low traffic during the brief ceasefire revealed. The article demanded that the U.S. and others accept the reality of Iranian-Omani sovereignty over the Strait.
Oman belongs to the Gulf Cooperation Council alongside Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait, but unlike those countries, it espouses neutrality. That’s why it refused to join the Saudi-led coalition to fight the Houthi rebels in Yemen. This allowed it to enjoy a peaceful border on its western flank. Oman has even allowed Iran to supply the Houthis in Yemen by using Omani territory.
Oman has had warm relations with Iran. Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi deployed his military to put down the Dhofar rebellion in 1971, saving Sultan Qaboos, who was only a year into his rule. The 1979 Iranian revolution did not shake the relationship. The sultanate has acted as a mediator between Iran and the United States.
This was made possible mostly because of the Omani neutrality that, as far as Iran was concerned, was different than the hostility exhibited by Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. So Oman has also been the Gulf country least affected during the current war, with attacks few and far between.
“Oman’s model has always been triangulation, where they keep open channels to Tehran, Washington, and the Gulf simultaneously,” according to analyst H.A. Hellyer of the Royal United Services Institute. “What shifted is Washington’s tolerance for an interlocutor who won’t sever the Iran channel.”
President Donald Trump has threatened that if Oman tried to control the Strait of Hormuz alongside Iran he would “blow them up,” while U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent warned he would sanction Muscat if it helped impose a tolling system in the waterway. We shall see.
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