Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
It’s now been seven decades since the end of the Second
World War, and most Germans alive today have no personal memory of their
country’s horrific Nazi past. And it is now a quarter-century since Germany was
reunited and regained full sovereignty.
How is this affecting the country’s political culture?
The Federal Republic (“West Germany”) that emerged from the
ashes of Hitlerism, for many years steered by Konrad Adenauer, understood that
its rehabilitation and security, in the era of the Cold War, depended on its
participation in the European project that eventually became the European
Union, and on its commitment to the Western alliance, as part of NATO.
With memories of the Holocaust, other war crimes committed
against virtually every European nation, and the most virulent form of racism
the world had ever seen, still fresh, the Bonn Republic was, so to speak, on
political probation.
Though Germany had lost considerable territory, mainly to
Poland, was itself partitioned into two states, and had to resettle millions of
refugees that were expelled from countries such as Czechoslovakia, its role in
starting a war of expansion and extermination forced it to keep quiet about any
injuries its own population had suffered.
So issues such as the Allied bombing of cities such as
Dresden, and the various acts against civilians perpetrated by the victorious
armed forces, in particular those of the Red Army, were rarely mentioned.
Germany was constrained by the Cold War and its own Nazi
past.
But in the watershed years of 1989-1991, Europe underwent a
zeitgeist shift of immense proportions.
The Soviet empire in Europe collapsed,
the USSR itself disintegrated, and the Berlin Wall came down.
Today, a woman who herself grew up in the old Communist
German Democratic Republic is chancellor of Germany. None of this was foreseen
as late as the mid-1980s.
How has this affected Germany’s national identity? For one
thing, the country has become more assertive and less afraid of alienating its
friends and neighbours.
The very hard line it has taken against Greece in that
country’s current economic crisis is one indicator – some would call it
heartless. Its very public support of Ukraine against Vladimir Putin’s Russia
is another.
As well, Germany no longer marches lock-step with its NATO
partners – far less accommodating to Washington’s pressures than in the past,
it kept out of Iraq in 2003 and Libya in 2011. It now sees itself as an equal,
rather than a junior partner, to the United States.
In fact, given its economic might, Germany feels it needs no
advice from countries adversely affected by the financial meltdown in 2008.
The assertive Germany that emerged after 1871 and led Europe
into two ruinous wars was followed by a rump state where any sign of
nationalism was viewed with suspicion by much of the world.
Hopefully the new
Germany will follow a middle course that does not veer too far in either
direction.
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