Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
Are the French no longer enthralled by
their intellectuals? This is the country, after all, that gave the world
Descartes, Rousseau, Voltaire, Camus and Sartre.
The French have historically valued high
culture and given an almost sacred role to the writer. Intellectuals have
always had a prominent role in French, their ideas debated with intensity.
Their philosophers and thinkers have influenced political life to a degree
rarely seen in other nations.
France is arguably the world’s most
self-consciously intellectual country, devoted to reason, abstraction and
logic. French historian and political essayist André Siegfried claimed that
French thought had been the driving force behind all the major advances of
human civilization.
But is this today no longer the case? So contends
Sudhir Hazareesingh, a tutor in politics at Balliol College,
Oxford, in a new book, How the French Think: An Affectionate Portrait of an
Intellectual People.
A specialist in French political and cultural history, the Mauritian-born Hazareesingh has also written In the Shadow of the General: Modern France and the Myth of De Gaulle, arguing that de Gaulle saved the French political right after the disaster of the Vichy regime in the Second World War. (The general also considered France a country with an “eminent and exceptional destiny.”)
A specialist in French political and cultural history, the Mauritian-born Hazareesingh has also written In the Shadow of the General: Modern France and the Myth of De Gaulle, arguing that de Gaulle saved the French political right after the disaster of the Vichy regime in the Second World War. (The general also considered France a country with an “eminent and exceptional destiny.”)
“French thought is in the doldrums,” Hazareesingh
declares in his new book. “French philosophy, which taught the world to reason
with sweeping and bold systems such as rationalism, republicanism, feminism,
positivism, existentialism and structuralism, has had conspicuously little to
offer in recent decades.”
In the past, French civilian and military
heroes inspired national liberators throughout the world, French legal codes
were widely adopted, and the 1789 Revolution became a template, for better or
worse, elsewhere in Europe and later, on other continents.
Victor Hugo proclaimed that Paris was the
“centre of the earth.” As the New Yorker essayist Adam Gopnik has remarked,
Paris “remade human consciousness.”
From the Enlightenment onwards, French
ideas and symbols were universally equated with self-determination and
emancipation from servitude: the Statue of Liberty, the iconic emblem of America,
was designed by the French sculptor Frédéric Bartholdi.
Yet little of this ideological fertility is
now in evidence, maintains Hazareesingh, and French thinking is no longer a
central point of reference for progressives across the world. “It is noteworthy
that none of the recent social revolutions, whether the fall of Soviet-style
communism in eastern Europe or the challenge to authoritarian regimes in the
Arab world, took their cue from the French tradition.”
In any case, there was a darker side to
“the deeply held assumption of the beneficial quality of French civilisation
for humankind.”
French progressives consistently advocated
a policy of assimilation in their colonies, due to their uncritical belief in
their “mission civilisatrice,” which would bring “civilization” to those under
their rule. France had a duty to enlighten the rest of the world.
France’s republican heritage and civilization
would be offered to all of its subjects, who could become assimilated as French
citizens. The empire would become an integral part of France. But this proved a
disaster in places like Algeria and Syria.
In France itself, the republican principle
of laicité, or secularism, and the strict interpretation of the 1905 law of
separation of church and state, which states that religion has no place in the
public square, has bedeviled relations with the country’s growing Muslim
population.
France is no longer a major power, and
there is now a widespread belief that French culture is itself in crisis. Hazareesingh
cites France’s diminishing cultural imprint on the wider world. The decline of
French as a global language, and its replacement by English, is resented by
many.
The mixture of rationalism, republicanism
and Marxism that dominated the mindset of the nation’s progressive elites for
much of the modern era has disintegrated, concludes Hazareesingh, and with it
much of the confidence, and even arrogance, of the French intelligentsia.
“Grandiose declarations of intellectual and spiritual superiority” are not
heard as often as in the past.
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