For as long
as I’ve been teaching university courses on nationalism, the literature in the
field has contrasted civic and ethnic nationalism.
The former
was seen as liberal and inclusive, while the latter, in which sovereignty was
based on ethnic self-determination, was viewed somewhat suspiciously. It had, some felt, the potential of
veering off into racism and fascism.
The
nationalism in old established nation-states could be both – if a country was
very homogenous, such as France, Portugal, or Sweden, there was no reason to
choose.
These could
be nations as democratic as those founded along a political ideal, such as the
United States.
But in the
21st century, something strange has happened. The old idea of civic
nationalism, as a counterweight to the ethnic variety, is disappearing, as
political elites on the left have become globalists.
Nowadays,
left-wing liberals in Europe and North America are jettisoning the idea of
nationalism altogether, in favour of various versions of “cosmopolitan
democracy.”
The
Democratic Party in the United States is now a coalition of ethnic and gender
sub-groups; it seems to believe in what amounts to open borders.
In Canada,
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has proclaimed himself a “post-nationalist.” This
would surely have been a surprise to his father Pierre, who fought for a
distinctive Canadian identity, replacing the organic “founding nations”
narrative by one that was civic and open to all.
French President Emmanuel Macron recently called patriotism
“the exact opposite of nationalism.” Since when have these been antonyms? This,
from the leader of the republic whose national anthem is “La Marseillaise.”
For Macron, “patriotism” means putting the European Union
above France, the nation. In this, he more resembles Marshal Philippe Pétain,
who led Vichy France under Nazi occupation during World War II and served
Hitler’s “New Order” in Europe, than resistance leader Charles de Gaulle, who
was the patriot — and nationalist.
Donald
Trump is now assailed as a proponent of ethnic nationalism. But this is
nonsense – Americans are a political nation, based on their adherence to the
country’s constitution, which is in effect contractual.
The country
was formed through a voluntary union of people who rebelled against an
empire. There is no American
“ethnicity.” Indeed, the old “melting pot” ideal was the very antithesis of
ethnic nationalism. American nationalism is inherently inclusive.
Liberal globalists fail to distinguish what is legitimate
and justifiable in nationalism from what is small-minded and bigoted. Their
cosmopolitanism, which advocates open borders, free trade, and rampant
outsourcing, brands nationalist sentiments as nativist xenophobia.
Are nationalists like Egypt’s Nasser, India’s Nehru, and
Ghana’s Nkrumah now villains?
Political philosopher Yoram Hazony makes the case for a renewed
appreciation of the national state. In Hazony’s view, the history of
mankind since the invention of the state is the history of two competing
principles: nationalism, or the principle that the world should be divided up
among a multiplicity of self-governing nations, and empire, which he defines as
any order “whose purpose is to bring peace and prosperity by uniting mankind
under a single political regime.”
Empires today include those based on “liberal imperialism,” embodied in
the European Union and, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the American-led
“new world order.”
Hazony agrees with Oxford University professor Jan Zielonka, who in
his study of empires and their
“civilising missions,” also asserts that the U.S. and the EU possess all the
characteristics of empires, albeit in diverse forms.
The rise of globalism among Western elites should be
understood, according to Hazony, as the re-emergence of the ideology of an
imperial ruling class that sees strong commitments to the nation as threats to
the unity of the empire.
Hazony maintains that liberal imperialism has replaced national
self-determination as the ideal world order in the minds of Western elites. And
it denigrates the particular traditions, beliefs, and loyalties that are
the foundation of actual nations.
But if all
versions of nationalism are going to be defined in a negative light, this will
end up driving patriotic citizens into the arms of those right-wing
nationalists so abhorred by the globalists.
After all, observes Bard College professor Sean McMeekin, in
countries where memories of devastating invasions, civil wars and foreign
occupations remain fresh, “firm national identities and secure frontiers are
bulwarks against catastrophe.”
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