By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
Nations
and nationalism provide individuals with a sense of who they are and
where they belong. While nations are not the only form of community to
serve people in this manner, they remain privileged due to their
relationship with the nation-state, the dominant form of political
organization.
The
Spanish nation, almost since its earliest existence has been involved
in perpetual conflicts between various nationalisms, both between
different ideological versions of Spanish nationalism and between
Spanish majority nationalism and various minority nationalisms.
At
different times in history, conflicts have occurred, as communities in
contention have provided Spaniards with different senses of belonging.
Both use emotions and feelings to secure support and assert or claim sovereignty for the political community in question. This is particularly the case with the radical forms of nationalism of the Basques and Catalans.
I
will be visiting Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, in May. A city
noted for its left-wing politics, its insurgent mood is rooted in a
centuries-long history.
In the nineteenth
century, it saw the rise of strong socialist and anarchist movements.
Barcelona has deep-seated republican values and was a bastion of
resistance to Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War of
1936-1939.
As
war broke out, Barcelona became a centre of opposition to fascism. The
various trade unions and political parties organized militias, built on
democratic organizing principles, electing officers from their ranks who
held no special privileges nor received higher pay.
In keeping with this tradition, Barcelona today is the heart of a new global political phenomenon known as municipalism.
Municipalist
programs tend to be focused on the specific needs of a city’s residents
and specific programs that address them. In Barcelona, much of the
program is focused on regulating tourist industries in order to improve
the lot of local residents, but also to restore some of the city’s
particular character that has attracted tourism in the first place.
Launched
in June 2014, Barcelona en Comu, the “platform,” as its participants
call it, entered into discussions with local political parties to
explore the possibility of creating a joint electoral list at the 2015
Barcelona elections. This proved a success, and it won the municipal
election a year later.
Ada
Colau, who became the city’s mayor, was one of the founding members of
the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages in 2009 and acted as the
organization’s spokesperson until 2014.
It
was set up in Barcelona in 2009 in response to the rise in evictions
caused by unpaid mortgage loans and the collapse of the Spanish property
market in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.
She
rose to national prominence after calling a representative of the
Spanish Banking Association a “criminal” while representing the PAH at a
parliamentary hearing on the housing crisis in February 2013.
Another
prominent voice in Barcelona en Comu, Marta Cruells, a feminist
political scientist, was a professor at the Autonomous University of
Barcelona before she went to work at City Hall.
The
municipal elections of 2015 were without a doubt the most important
local contest since the first municipal elections following the
restoration of democracy after the death of Franco.
Many
citizens perceived Barcelona as having been adrift, and for them a
brand-new team might not have experience but it would at least not be
linked to the traditional elite.
With
its slogan “It’s time to win back Barcelona,” Barcelona en Comu
actively involved thousands of residents. Large meetings in different
neighbourhoods helped it produce a remarkably detailed electoral
programme, drawing on the normally ignored knowledge and technical
expertise of “ordinary people.”
The
mayor Colau even took to the airways challenging the national
government “not to look the other way -- to be tough on the powerful.”
All but one of the councillors who formed the first government of Barcelona en Comu were social activists in one field or another, such as housing, who generated expectations of change.
Colau’s
administration has pushed experiments in community management of space
and resources, such as handing over public buildings to local
communities.
The
city’s next municipal contest is scheduled for May 26. All 41 seats in
the City Council will be up for election. Mayor Colau will soon find out
whether Barcelona en Comu will be rewarded for its policies.
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