The Post-Colonial States of Southern Africa

By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer

The former anti-colonial movements in southern Africa exercise, as governments, continued control over the sovereign states that emerged. 

The party-based regimes that emerged in Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa were organized around ideology, ethnicity, or bonds of solidarity rooted in a shared experience of violent struggle. 

As such they have been able to survive economic crisis, leadership succession, and opposition challenges.

In effect, they would be, even though there were contested elections, effectively one-party entities.

In reality, therefore, a new elite secured through its access to the state a similar status to those who under the old system were the privileged few.

This was certain to breed dissatisfaction, of course. Because the majority of the electorate has now moved beyond the struggles to free their countries. 

Their expectations are measured against the promises and failures, rather than the expected reward for being liberated.

So these governments now try to claim that any form of injustice is rooted in the colonial past.

When the regime of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe lost support among the majority of people, it declared the white commercial farmers to be the root cause of all evil and initiated expropriation of their lands. But the main beneficiaries of the land redistribution were members of the new elite. 

Indeed, Mugabe had publicly declared that he would never make room for a political opposition party by categorically stating that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) would never be allowed to govern the country.

While Mugabe was finally ousted in 2017, his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) remains in power, following a disputed election that saw Emmerson Mnangagwa take over.

In Namibia, Sam Nujoma was president of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) from its founding in 1960 until 2007, and the first head of state of Namibia from independence in 1990 until 2005.

Another SWAPO freedom fighter, Hage Geingob, is now in office. He is the third SWAPO head of state. 

A survey conducted by the United Nations in 2016 showed that 37 per cent of the population was malnourished. Blame for this was placed on external factors.

Namibians are set to vote in the presidential and parliamentary elections in November this year. McHenry Venani, leader of the Popular Democratic Movement (PDM), has warned of SWAPO’s “greed.”

He wants to end SWAPO’s privilege and elitism where one can only benefit if they support a certain faction within the ruling party. But he is unlikely to prevail against Geingob’s political machine.

In South Africa, the post-Mandela years has seen major economic and political corruption, well publicized around the world. Power struggles inside the African National Congress (ANC) finally removed President Jacob Zuma last year. 

Under fire for large-scale embezzlement and nepotism, Zuma tried to remain in power by posing as an opponent of “white monopoly capital.” He mobilised resentments to those associated with the settler-colonial past, and aimed at discrediting competitors as sell-outs.

His replacement, Cyril Ramaphosa, has allowed political credibility to be regained among ordinary voters. But he has amassed an estimated fortune of $450 million mainly through his involvement in mining companies, and the divide between rich and poor continues to grow.