By Henry Srebrnik, [Fredericton, NB] Daily Gleaner
The southeast Asian nation of Malaysia is experiencing its deepest crisis since the Second World War. The country is in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, with over 2.65 million confirmed COVID-19 cases and more than 30,000 deaths. It is being ruled under emergency decree.
More than 30,000 businesses closed permanently in 2020, with more shutting down this year. Many families are in a desperate situation; some are even unable to even feed themselves. Yet it seems politically adrift.
Malaysia has its origins in the Malay kingdoms which, in the 18th century, came under British control. Peninsular Malaya was restructured as the Federation of Malaya, comprising 11 member states, in 1948 and achieved independence in 1957.
Independent Malaya united with the then British crown colonies of North Borneo, Sarawak, and Singapore in 1963 to become Malaysia. Singapore, with its Chinese majority, exited the federation two years later.
Malaysia’s 33 million people have long been ethnically divided between its indigenous Muslim Malay majority known as Bumiputra (sons of the soil), some 70 per cent of the population, and a strong overseas Chinese diaspora of 23 per cent. The latter have been dominant in trade and business since the early 20th century.
The Chinese population has shrunk proportionally from 1957, when it was about 40 per cent. There is also an Indian minority.
Polarization over ethnicity and religion has afflicted Malaysia for decades and powerfully shaped its electoral politics. Since the country’s independence, its ethnic Malay majority has enjoyed a constitutionally protected special status, while minorities have been treated as second-class citizens.
This ethnic conflict remains unresolved. Should the state be a “Malaysian Malaysia” or a “Malay Malaysia,” with a Malay supremacy worldview?
While Malaysians are concerned for their immediate welfare, politicians have been involved in a continual tussle for power. The country has seen three prime ministers over the last three years.
Political instability took hold when the opposition Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope, or PH) defeated the incumbent Barisan Nasional (National Front) government, which was led by the scandal ridden prime minister Najib Razak, in the 2018 election. In 2020 he was sentenced to 12 years in jail after being convicted in a multi-million dollar corruption trial.
The Malay dominated Barisan Nasional coalition had been in power for 60 years. The change of government generated much hope and excitement from supporters, who saw the possibility of a new era in Malaysia.
The PH supporters had been waiting decades for reform. This was the most inclusive, secular government in the country’s history. Many thought that long-time former prime minister Mahathir Mohamed, who had joined forces with them, would usher in a new political era.
But Mahathir stalled on reform. It become clear that he had simply used the PH as a vehicle to remove Najib from power.
In February 2020, Mahathir himself suddenly resigned from office, bringing an end to the PH experiment and allowing Home Affairs Minister Muhyiddin Yassin to cobble together a Malay-centric government, incorporating many members from the defeated Barisan Nasional.
The new Muhyiddin government appeared illegitimate to many. At the same time, the PH opposition, now led by Anwar Ibrahim, tried to topple it.
Anwar had been released from jail after the 2018 general election with a pardon, after having been sentenced in 2015 to five years imprisonment after a conviction for sexual misbehaviour.
This political manoeuvring came to a head when besieged prime minister Muhyiddin resigned in August, with King Al-Sultan Abdullah appointing Muhyiddin’s deputy prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob as prime minister.
Malaysia has a unique system, with nine Malay sultans taking turns to assume the role of king every five years.
Debates on identity and Islam have always been at the forefront of Malaysian politics, and the post-2018 period saw nationalist Malay Muslims in the country battling a multicultural cabinet.
Today, far right nationalist groups continue to advocate ethnic Malay supremacy, citing “emergency nationalism,” while Malaysia scrambles to emerge from the pandemic.
Malaysia has now suffered almost two years of political infighting leading to two changes of government.
While COVID-19 case numbers continue rising and hospital resources are being stressed, Malaysia is battling not just the pandemic but also the loss of trust in its current government.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.
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