Professor Henry Srebrnik

Professor Henry Srebrnik

Monday, February 29, 2016

Germany Revises Refugee Policy


Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
 
Germany’s love affair with the seemingly endless numbers of refugees from Syria and other nations entering the country seems to have reached its limits, and Chancellor Angela Merkel has come under mounting criticism for her asylum policies.

Opponents of Merkel’s decision last year to allow more than one million asylum seekers into the country have been vocal in demanding a less welcoming policy and they seem to be having their way.

The backlash gained momentum after the New Year’s Eve assaults against women in Cologne by men largely described as Arab or North African in appearance. Critics claim the government is now failing at its most basic tasks: protecting its citizens and upholding security and public order.

Some 40 per cent of Germans want Merkel to resign because of her handling of the crisis, according to one recently published poll.

Indeed, there is a very real chance her three-party coalition government, which includes the Social Democrats and the Christian Social Union (CSU) of Bavaria along with her own Christian Democratic Union (CDU), could unravel. 

So the German cabinet has taken steps toward tightening asylum rules, including a two-year ban on family reunifications. They will now exclude three North African countries – Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia -- from their asylum list. Refugees from those countries can now be sent home. 

It will also become easier to deport migrants who commit crimes. As well, asylum seekers will have to provide small contributions from their monthly stipends to help cover the costs of integration courses.

All this comes against the backdrop of forthcoming elections in three German states, Baden-Wurttemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate, and Saxony-Anhalt. 

Opinion polls currently suggest that an anti-immigrant, right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), founded three years ago, will enter all three state legislatures. In the past two years, the party has won seats in five other German states.

A political movement further to its right, the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West (PEGIDA), formed in 2014, demands even more restrictive immigration rules, particularly against Muslims. It has been holding major demonstrations in various German cities; one rally in Dresden last October drew nearly 20,000 people.

Merkel’s description of them as having “prejudice, coldness, even hatred in their hearts” hasn’t had much effect.

Sigmar Gabriel, the German vice-chancellor and a Social Democrat, has accused PEGIDA of having become “a reservoir of racist xenophobia” and the “street arm” of the National Democratic Party (NPD), which is widely seen as neo-Nazi. 

Nonetheless, he admitted that “there is certainly a growth of populism on the right which has to do with parties and the social elites too often believing that their debates are identical with those of normal people.”

Horst Seehofer, the CSU minister-president (premier) of the state of Bavaria, has been pressuring Berlin to tighten its liberal policies. (Many of the migrants enter Germany at the Bavarian border with Austria.) 

“If our asylum policy isn't corrected,” Seehofer has warned, then “the existence of the CDU and CSU” is threatened.

Markel was a loyal citizen of the Communist East German Democratic Republic right up to the fall of the Berlin Wall. Has she retained some of its “internationalist” ideology?

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