Most people in Great Britain wish that the
Northern Irish question would simply fade away.
The
so-called “Troubles” that began in the late 1960s, with
massive violence in the province itself as well as Irish
Republican Army (IRA) bombings on the British mainland, saw
more than 3,500 people killed.
The violence has tapered off in the last two
decades. But Northern Ireland remains a bifurcated society
with deep fractures and mutual animosities.
Its Protestant majority wishes to remain in
the United Kingdom, while for the growing Roman Catholic
minority, union with the Republic of Ireland to the south
remains the ultimate goal.
Compared to most of Europe, it seems trapped
in a political time warp. Despite the current armed
truce the province is more polarized than ever.
The June 8 British general election starkly
underscored this divide. The two Northern Irish parties most
antagonistic to each other won all but one of the 18 seats
allocated to the province at the Westminster parliament;
more moderate ones were shut out.
On the Protestant side, the Democratic
Unionist Party (DUP), founded by the late Presbyterian
firebrand Ian Paisley in 1971, won 10 seats, a gain of two,
while its less strident rival, the Ulster Unionist Party,
once the major Protestant force, lost its only two seats.
In Catholic areas, Sinn Féin, the political
wing of the Provisional IRA, captured seven seats, more than
doubling its caucus. The Social Democratic and Labour Party,
its more moderate and left-wing Catholic rival, lost all
three of its seats.
The SDLP was the largest nationalist party
in Northern Ireland from the time of its foundation in 1970
until the beginning of the 21st century.
As for the Alliance Party, which has
come to represent wider liberal and non-sectarian concerns, it
too was defeated everywhere.
The DUP and Sinn Féin are also the
largest parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly.
The DUP supporters are socially conservative,
religiously Protestant, Ulster Loyalist and British
nationalist, and, for good measure, climate change deniers.
The party has historically strong
links to the Protestant Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster,
also founded by Paisley. They have vetoed same-sex marriage
proposals and opposed access to abortion services. Their
critics say they are supported by paramilitary groups.
But they have always been natural allies of
the Tories in London. After all, the official name of the
party of Prime Minister Theresa May is the Conservative and
Unionist Party.
Anyhow, May has little choice: The election
was a disaster for her. Not having won a majority, she had to cobble
together enough votes in parliament to stay in office. The
Liberal Democrats and the Welsh and Scottish parties were
out of the question.
The day following the vote, DUP leader
Arlene Foster indicated that she wanted to “bring stability to
our nation” by backing the Conservatives. The party has been
consistently critical of the Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn,
particularly for his past links with Sinn Féin.
The main issue for the DUP is to keep
Northern Ireland as tightly as possible within the United
Kingdom. It needs a promise from May that there will
be no separate post-Brexit status for Northern Ireland. Foster
explained that “what we want to see is a workable plan to
leave the European Union.”
Sinn Féin has argued that because the
Northern Ireland electorate voted by 56 to 44 per cent to remain
within Europe last year, and because the region will be the
only one in the UK with a post-Brexit land border with the EU
– that between Ulster and the Irish Republic -- the area
should have special status.
But Loyalists see that as a ploy to draw
the north closer to union with the Republic, which they
absolutely oppose. Mainly Protestant areas did vote for Brexit
-- although even they want the border to remain “seamless and
“frictionless.”
Oddly, Sinn Fein, too, will prove, in a
strange way, useful to May. That’s because the party’s seven
MPs will, as always, refuse to take their seats in
parliament. Although elected, they do not recognize British
sovereignty over Northern Ireland, as a matter of principle.
Gerry Adams, the Sinn Féin president,
confirmed that his MPs would not be going to the House of
Commons.
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