By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
The idea of an American “deep state,”
comprising what some call the “ruling circles” or “power
elite,” running things behind the scenes, for most people
conjures up visions of conspirators lurking in the shadows,
secretly controlling the country.
It sounds like something out of a far-left
or far-right fantasy. But actually, it hides in plain sight,
if you know where to look.
In The Sum of Small Things:
A Theory of the Aspirational Class, Elizabeth
Currid-Halkett, a professor of urban planning at the
University of Southern California in Los Angeles, explains
that the self-segregation of America’s elites result in what
she calls “highly stratified hyper-educated affluent places”
in parts of cosmopolitan cities such as Boston, Los Angeles,
New York, or Seattle.
It’s not a closed caste system – the
Clintons and Obamas are now part of it. But the result is “a
deep cultural divide that has never existed with such
distinction as it does today.”
As
Angelo Codevilla, professor emeritus of International
Relations at Boston University, noted in the Spring 2017issue
of the Claremont Review of Books, “Well-nigh the entire ruling
class -- government bureaucracies, the judiciary, academia,
media, associated client groups, Democratic officials, and
Democrat-controlled jurisdictions --have joined in
‘Resistance’ to the 2016 elections,” in which, to their
consternation, Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton.
Their practical objective is to hamper and
otherwise delegitimize 2016’s winners and “browbeat Trump
voters into believing they should repent and yield to their
betters. This campaign might break the Trump presidency.”
Codevilla’s is definitely a view from the
far right. Yet it fits well with a commentary from the left by
Serge Halimi, president and director of the French newspaper
Le Monde Diplomatique, in its September 2017 English edition.
Halimi
noted that, after Trump won the election, he was after a good
deal from Russia. Trump was personally eager to explore the
possibility of a strategic accommodation with Russia,
especially in Syria.
A new partnership would have reversed
deteriorating relations between the powers by encouraging
their alliance against the Islamic State and recognising the
importance of Ukraine to Russia’s security.
As we know, he has been completely stymied
in his efforts, because there was a convergence in the
objectives of the U.S. intelligence agencies, the leaders of
the Clinton wing of the Democratic Party, the majority of
Republican politicians, and the anti-Trump media. That common
objective was stopping any entente between Moscow and
Washington.
The intelligence community and elements in
the Pentagon feared that a rapprochement between Trump and
Vladimir Putin would deprive them of a presentable enemy once
ISIS’s military power was destroyed, writes Halimi.
The Clinton camp was keen to ascribe an
unexpected defeat to a cause other than the candidate and her
inept campaign; Moscow’s alleged hacking of Democratic Party
emails fitted the bill. And the neoconservative foreign policy
hawks hated Trump’s neo-isolationist instincts.
“The media, especially the New York Times
and Washington Post,
eagerly sought a new Watergate scandal and knew their
middle-class, urban, educated readers loathe Trump for his
vulgarity, affection for the far right, violence and lack of
culture,” asserted Halimi. “So they were searching for any
information or rumour that could cause his removal or force a
resignation.”
British journalist Glenn Greenwald, in an
article he published Jan. 11 on his Intercept site, also
observed that there really is, at this point, “obvious open
warfare between this unelected but very powerful faction that
resides in Washington and sees presidents come and go, on the
one hand, and the person that the American democracy elected
to be the president on the other.”
Greenwald, a longtime iconoclast, maintains
that they preferred Clinton to Trump because she defended and
intended to extend the decades-long international military
order on which the CIA and Pentagon’s pre-eminence depends,
while Trump posed a threat to it.
“Whatever one’s views are on those debates,
it is the democratic framework,” he concluded, “that should
determine how they are resolved. All of those policy disputes
were debated out in the open; the public heard them; and Trump
won. Nobody should crave the rule of Deep State overlords.”
But the nationalists who backed Trump’s
agenda --hard-liners like Steve Bannon and Sebastian Gorka
--have been ousted. Trump promised to “drain the swamp” in
Washington. Is it now drowning him?
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