By Henry Srebrnik, [Saint John, NB] Telegraph-Journal
The year 1979 was very much a zeitgeist
shift in many parts of the world. We especially remember the
coming to power of Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran. But it was also
when the Sandinista rebels took power in the Central American
nation of Nicaragua.
I was a journalist in Washington in the
1980s, when they were the darlings of the progressive left,
who were dubbed the “sandalistas” by the press.
The Sandinistas were enraged when U.S.
President Ronald Reagan, elected in 1980, began supporting the
so-called “contras” fighting Ortega’s revolutionaries.
Named
for César Augusto Sandino, a hero of Nicaraguan
resistance to the American military occupation of the
country from 1927 to 1933, the Sandinista National
Liberation Front (FSLN) was founded in 1962 as a
revolutionary group committed to the overthrow of the Somoza
family that ruled the country.
By
the mid-1970s their attacks led dictator Anastasio Somoza to
unleash bloody reprisals against them.
But
the Sandinistas gained support and, headed by the brothers
Daniel and Humberto Ortega, overthrew Somoza in July 1979.
When
Reagan began to support the” contras,” Nicaragua became
dependent on the support of Cuba and the Soviet Union.
By
1990, Nicaraguans, weary of war and economic depression,
voted for a coalition of opposition parties, and the
Sandinistas relinquished power.
But
that wasn’t the end of the story. The FSLN retained a base
in the country’s army and police forces.
In
2006, the FSLN regained power when Ortega was elected
president. Re-elected in 2011, Ortega also won a
“supermajority” in the National Assembly, allowing him to
amend the constitution by removing presidential term limits,
setting the stage for Ortega’s re-election in 2016.
But, as is so often the case, the
revolutionaries, having tasted power, begin to abuse it.
Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, who is today vice
president, soon faced accusations of enriching themselves with
government funds.
Their children ran their business empire
via a web of media companies that function as the government’s
communications department.
The couple made institutional changes that
allowed them to control the Supreme Court and the National
Assembly, and were accused of electoral fraud. The Court
blocked a leading opposition candidate from participating in
the 2016 election.
Today, other Nicaraguans are fighting for
freedom -- from Ortega and his cronies. In April several days
of violence and mass unrest left some 60 people dead.
The uprising was sparked by an overhaul of
the social security system, which required workers to pay more
and retirees to receive less. University students, already
angry over a forest fire at a natural reserve that the
government failed to extinguish, rallied against the changes.
Students took over the Polytechnic
University in the capital, Managua. Radio Dario in the
country’s second-largest city, Leon, was burned.
Murillo issued a stream of belittling
comments, calling the protesters “bloodsuckers,” “criminals,”
and “vampires.”
As word of the protests spread, Ortega’s
government sought to punish the demonstrators. Police attacked
crowds in the capital; they entered the Metropolitan Cathedral
grounds and fired on hundreds of students huddled inside.
Ortega was finally forced to rescind the
changes to the social security system, and he agreed to
negotiations with the students, but the damage was done.
Cardinal Leopoldo Brenes has now told the
demonstrators that Nicaragua’s Roman Catholic Church would
give Ortega one month to reach agreements that satisfy
society's demands.
As is so often the case in Latin America, a
revolution comes full circle: yesterday’s liberators become
today’s elites, and the political cycle starts anew.
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