Recep
Tayyip Erdogan’s re-election as President of Turkey on June
24 came as no surprise. He has now ruled Turkey as either
president or prime minister for more than fifteen years.
Muharrem
İnce, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) candidate had
hoped to force Erdogan into a second round run-off for the
presidency, but failed. Erdogan won outright in the first
round with 52.6 per cent of the vote.
In
the parliamentary voting, Erdogan’s Justice and Development
Party (AKP) lost some ground, but its alliance with the
Turkish ultra-nationalist National Movement Party (MHP)
provided it with 344 seats in the new 600-seat parliament. (The
MHP, naturally, supports Erdogan’s renewed war against
Kurdish separatists in the southeast of the country.)
How
fair was this election? You
can guess. Not only
was the president the beneficiary of overwhelming support
from both state and corporate media, but one of the
candidates, Selahattin Demirtas of the left-wing
pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), who
came third, was in prison.
Ince, who 30.6 per cent, said Turkey was
now entering a dangerous period of “one-man rule.” But Erdogan called
the election result a “lesson in democracy to all the
world.”
Nor
should we forget the purges and mass arrests that have taken
placed since the failed military coup in July 2016, with
thousands jailed or in exile – almost 152,000 have been
dismissed from the public service alone.
Erdogan’s
AKP has to a large extent co-opted the organs of the state.
It runs a countrywide network of patronage, charities,
religious orders and “youth groups.”
The
passing of a new constitution, approved by referendum in
November 2017, has granted him sweeping powers to
run the country largely uncontested. Parliament has been
weakened and the post of prime minister abolished.
The president can now appoint the head of
the National Intelligence Agency, the Religious Affairs
Directorate and the Central Bank, as well as ambassadors,
governors and university rectors. He has also placed the chief
of staff of the armed forces under control of the Defence
Ministry.
Erdogan
sees himself presiding over a “great transformation” that
will undo the secularization imposed on the state by its
founder, Kemal Ataturk, and make it once again an Islamic
power.
The Islamization of the state has been
going on for many years, but its pace has increased, with a
focus on the education system; Erdogan wants to raise a “pious
generation.”
Last year Erdogan made substantial changes
to school curricula, and after 2016 fired more than 33,000
teachers and closed scores of schools over claims that they
had ties with those involved in the coup attempt.
Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag has
described Erdogan as a leader “who exerts himself for the sake
of God.” He is
trying to leave a legacy that will last for decades. Turkey to
all intents and purposes is in its Second Republic, this time
a neo-Ottoman one.
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