By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
George Soros has been a thorn in the side of
east European nationalists for years. They hate him with a
passion.
Born in Budapest, Hungary in 1930, Soros is
one of the world's most successful investors and richest men. He
made his fortune running a hedge fund and is now a full-time
philanthropist, political activist and freelance statesman.
In the United States, he is a major donor to
Democratic candidates and progressive groups.
Elsewhere, his
Open Society Foundations (OSF) financially supports civil
society groups around the world, with a stated aim of advancing
justice, education, public health and independent media.
Since its establishment in 1993, the OSF,
headquartered in New York and with branches in 37 countries and
some 1,800 employees, has reported expenditures in excess of $11
billion.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989,
Soros has poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the former
Soviet-bloc countries to promote civil society and liberal
democracy. This has not endeared him to many who prefer
right-of-centre nationalism to globalist multiculturalism.
Soros is reviled by, among others, Vladimir
Putin of Russia and Victor Orban of his native Hungary.
In 2015, Putin expelled Soros’s philanthropic
organization, the OSF, from Russia, claiming it was a security
threat, and Russian state media churn out a steady flow of
anti-Soros content.
Orban, during the April Hungarian election,
which he won handily, ran a campaign in which he accused Soros,
who is an American citizen, of plotting to overwhelm Hungary
with Muslim immigrants in order to undermine its Christian
heritage.
He attacked Soros during campaign rallies,
and his government plastered the country with anti-Soros
billboards. In the aftermath of the election, the OSF announced
that it was closing its Budapest office because of concerns for
the safety of its employees.
The fate of the Soros-founded Central
European University, based in Budapest, and run by Canada’s
Michael Ignatieff, is also problematic, as Orban wants it gone.
“We can’t go into another academic year like
this. We’re in a holding pattern but it’s not going to go on too
much longer,” Ignatieff, CEU’s rector, told the London-based
Guardian in May.
When Soros, who survived the Nazi
occupation of Hungary as a child, moved to New York in 1956 to
take a job on Wall Street, his goal was to make enough money to
allow him to quit finance and turn to scholarly pursuits.
He succeeded beyond his wildest dreams and
was within two decades a very wealthy man. He then turned to
making a political impact.
He created his philanthropic organization in
1979 and turned his attention to Eastern Europe, where he
started financing dissident anti-Communist groups. He funneled
money to the Solidarity strikers in Poland and to Charter 77 in
Czechoslovakia.
The eventual fall of Communism was not for
Soros, the “end of history” and the triumph of western
democracy.
This part of the world had little tradition
of liberal democracy, and this needed to be nurtured, Soros
reasoned, if it was to avoid reverting to other forms of
autocracy. (Today, he considers his fears to have been
well-founded.)
He provided his native Hungary with money and
resources in the 1990s, including millions to modernize
Hungary’s health care system and endowing the Central European
University, which has since graduated more than 14,000 students
drawn from across Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
But though Orban was himself initially a
young recipient of money from Soros, as prime minister his
politics moved to the right.
When the European refugee crisis hit, and
tens of thousands of refugees arrived on Hungary’s border
Orban’s government erected a fence in order to keep them out,
and refused to comply with a European Union quota plan to take
in asylum-seekers.
Groups that received financial support from
the OSF were providing assistance to the refugees massed along
Hungary’s border, and this became a further reason for Orban’s
attacks on Soros.
The Hungarian Parliament enacted legislation
aimed at Soros requiring his organizations to register with the
government and making it a crime to assist illegal immigrants.
His Hungarian helpers were called “mercenaries.”
Soros told a New York Times reporter in July
that democracy was in trouble there and elsewhere because in
many countries it had become sclerotic, insufficiently
responsive to the public’s needs.
“It’s losing out,” he said.
Illiberal democracy, of the sort that Orban had fashioned in
Hungary, was proving to be “more effective,” for the time being
at least.
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