By Henry
Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
In northeastern Nigeria, a war has raged for a decade between Boko Haram
militants and the Nigerian state. Can it be won?
Boko Haram emerged in the late 2000s in Nigeria’s Muslim-majority
northeast, an area that has endured years of poverty, corruption and
underdevelopment.
Its militants mainly inhabit areas in the northern states of
Nigeria, specifically Yobe, Kano, Bauchi, Borno and Kaduna.
Boko Haram was referred to locally as the Nigerian Taliban
because of their religious similarities to the Afghani movement.
Boko Haram does not engage in Nigeria's political system out
of an adherence to a fundamentalist form of Islam which forbids participation
unless the system is based on Sharia, or Islamic law.
Originally a popular religious movement that challenged this status quo
through ultra-conservative Islamist activism – openly opposing democracy and
the legitimacy of the Nigerian state – Boko Haram turned to armed revolt in
2009, launching an uprising that the authorities have tried to crush with
extreme brutality.
More than 37,500 people have died in the conflict with the
group, according to data collected by the Council of Foreign Relations.
Millions have had to flee the wider area, with many living in internally
displaced person camps miles away from home.
Today it remains a violent insurgent group, widely abhorred but still
able to recruit on the basis of grievances many in northern Nigeria share, and
whose members have tried to build links with other jihadists in west Africa.
Last year, the group split into the “Islamic State – West Africa
Province” (ISWAP) and a splinter faction operating under the group’s original
name. ISWAP in particular now appears resurgent, having conducted a recent
series of attacks against the Nigerian army and built closer ties to
communities around the Lake Chad Basin, extending the territory under its
influence.
The Lake Chad Basin, at the borders between Nigeria, Chad,
Cameroon, Niger and the Central African Republic, is an important strategic
location as the last green oasis before the Sahara Desert.
Some analysts have pronounced Boko Haram al-Qaeda’s representative in
Nigeria, a view designed to push the United States to view Boko Haram as a
global strategic threat to Western interests.
But this is rejected by many scholars of the region, who understand Boko
Haram as just one of the symptoms of an ailing Nigeria-- a country riven by
corruption and violent abuse, facing multiple crises across a diverse and large
population.
Portraying Boko Haram in this way, warned such academics, could hurt
many more innocent people and exacerbate a grievous humanitarian emergency.
Actually, Nigeria’s military influences and controls much of the debate
about the movement, and its own conduct can be intimidating, even towards the
politicians in Abuja.
Last December the Nigerian government briefly suspended the operations
of UNICEF, accusing it of “unwholesome practices” and “deploying spies” for
Boko Haram.
This followed the UN agency’s claim earlier that year that Boko Haram
had kidnapped more than 1,000 children since 2013.
It is difficult to verify such claims, given the militants’ control of
most of the countryside. The heartland of the insurgency is a conservative,
deeply rural society with low literacy and few English speakers. It’s
impossible for outsiders to get around easily.
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