By Henry Srebrnik, [Ssummerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
Until their final defeat a decade ago, the Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), popularly known as the Tamil Tigers, were one of the
more successful nationalist movements in the world.
They held off the army of the Sinhalese-majority Sri Lankan
state for almost three decades. They also had overwhelming support from the
Tamil diaspora, in Canada and elsewhere.
Despite the LTTE’s reliance on coercion to induce
compliance, civilians in the Tamil-majority areas in he north and east of the
country also supported the LTTE and their imagined state of Tamil Eelam
voluntarily.
After all, the costs for a rebel group of relying only on
coercion are usually high and its effects last only as long as the coercion is
effectively applied, while an element of legitimacy may provide sustainability.
Civilian support is the essential element of successful protracted
guerilla operations since civilians can provide food, information and be a
source of new recruits.
Hence the leadership of rebel groups will attempt to
consolidate support among its constituents. A rebel leader without followers or
civilian support will probably not get far in achieving political and military
goals.
Different LTTE strategies helped create legitimacy in its
quasi-state. Effective forms of legitimation were rooted in Hindu Tamil
nationalism, tradition, charismatic leadership, and sacrifices made by LTTE
cadres on behalf of the Tamil community’s need for protection.
By making itself the sole representative of the Tamil
people, the LTTE silenced competing Tamil voices, which were based on internal
caste differences.
The Tamil Tigers in particular recruited younger Tamils who
were upset by the economic dominance of Jaffna-based upper-caste Vellalar
Tamils.
Initially, the LTTE comprised both Tamils and Muslims, but
later they started to exclude Muslims and even forcefully expelled them from
the Northern Province in 1990.
The LTTE called itself the national liberation movement of
the Eelam Tamils, as articulated in their political program:
“We have a homeland, a historically constituted habitation
with a well-defined territory embracing the Northern and Eastern Provinces, a
distinct language, a rich culture and tradition, a unique economic life and a
lengthy history extending to over three thousand years. As a nation we have the
inalienable right to self-determination.”
How did those living under Tiger rule perceive the LTTE’s emblems?
At meetings, they sang the Eelam national anthem. A national flag, bird, tree
and flower also symbolised the separate nation.
The very name and logo of the insurgency, the “Tigers,”
referred to the Tamil Chola dynasty in India who conquered the island in the 11th
century, under whom Tamil culture and power flourished.
Between the 1980s and the end of the war, the military wing
of the LTTE transformed from a guerrilla organisation to a type of regular army
with a conventional fighting force – it even had a navy and air force.
It had a disciplined structure with the charismatic Velupillai Prabhakaran, who possessed an almost-mythical status,
as its supreme leader. There were even suicide commandos, known as the Black
Tigers, who were suicide commandos.
In its base areas the LTTE set up its own administrative
structures, such as the police, the judiciary
and tax collection. Though
finally defeated, their legacy remains alive in the Tamil community.
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