By Henry
Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Pioneer Journal
Iranian
Major General Qassem Soleimani, head of Iran’s Quds Force, a part of the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC), was killed in an American drone strike in Baghdad
on Jan. 3, sending shockwaves through the Middle East.
What led up to this and how
will it affect the situation in the Middle East?
The Islamic Republic and its proxies in Iraq and
Lebanon have been, in the past two months, the target of massive demonstrations
against the various Iran-backed militias, especially the Popular Mobilization
Forces that virtually control Iraq.
Iranian consulates have been burned even in the Shiite
holy cities of Najaf and Karbala in Iraq.
To deflect popular anger away from Iran, Tehran
tried to goad the United States into action, via attacks in the Persian Gulf
and against Saudi Arabia, and against U.S. forces, carrying out eleven attacks
on American bases since October.
On Dec. 27, Kata’ib Hezbollah, a major militia in the
larger pro-Iranian conglomerate, attacked an American base and killed an
American contractor. The intention of this killing was presumably to push the United
States into a retaliatory strike that would defuse the anti-Iranian
demonstrations in Iraq.
But they didn’t foresee the level of retaliation –
this was a step too far. U.S. President Donald Trump killed Soleimani as well
as Kata’ib Hezbollah commander Abu Hadi al-Muhandis, together with 13 others,
as they left Baghdad airport.
Apart from his military skills as a commander,
Soleimani gained Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s esteem and trust. This
put him in a unique position of power and influence, far above his official
post.
He positioned himself as a symbol of the revolution
who worked tirelessly to promote Iran’s status as a regional hegemon. By
implementing the “axis of resistance,” he established himself as the Supreme
Leader’s top confidant.
Soleimani played an important role in developing the
IRGC’s non-conventional conception of war, creating an extensive
infrastructure, organized in flexible frameworks that corresponded to shifting
local circumstances and changes in the nature of warfare.
He expanded existing groups, such as Lebanon’s
Hezbollah and, to a lesser extent, Palestinian Hamas and Islamic Jihad into
formidable war machines possessing hundreds of thousands of missiles and
rockets.
He also transformed the Houthis into a deadly
organization that keeps Yemen at war and poses a danger to Saudi Arabia.
Largely thanks to Soleimani, around
200,000 militia personnel are available to Tehran between the Iraq-Iran border
and the Mediterranean Sea. These forces have accurate missiles, and good
intelligence coverage across the area. His death is truly a blow.
Iran probably assumed that in a presidential election
year, Trump would not dare risking a major war.
The Iranians did not
believe the U.S. would decisively respond, as Secretary of Defence Mike Pompeo had
threatened.
They had seen national security
adviser John Bolton and other Iran hawks come and go and had judged Trump to be
an isolationist. They
miscalculated and were caught by surprise.
Iran would like to see a Democrat win the 2020
presidential election and may take steps to help secure that outcome. After
all, “meddling” in American contests, if one is to believe the Democratic
Party, seems to have become a favourite pastime of authoritarian regimes.
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