By Henry Srebrnik, [Summerside, PEI] Journal Pioneer
This year being the centenary of his birth,
many articles are appearing about one of the 20th
century’s most eminent historians, Eric Hobsbawm.
The accolades are coming particularly from
the left, as Hobsbawm was a lifelong member of the Communist
Party of Great Britain, and chair of its Historians’ Group.
Unlike many of his intellectual colleagues
and comrades, including Christopher Hill, John Saville, and E.P.
Thompson, Hobsbawm did not quit the party even after the crimes
committed in the name of Communism by Joseph Stalin’s Soviet
Union were exposed in 1956.
The Historians’ Group also vociferously
protested against Moscow's suppression of the Hungarian revolt
that year, but Hobsbawm remained a member of the party, to the
puzzlement of many of his British friends.
Perhaps his life history provides an answer.
First and foremost was the fact that he was a Jew who came of
age in the 1930s, when fascism and Nazism were spreading across
Europe, spewing vitriolic racial anti-Semitism in their wake.
In his autobiography, Interesting Times: A
Twentieth Century Life, published in 2002, Hobsbawm attributed
much of his intellectual development to his unusual life.
He was born in 1917, to Jewish parents -- a
father from the East End of London, and an Austrian mother.
After the First World War ended, they settled in Vienna. Before
coming to England, Hobsbawm lived briefly in Berlin, appalled by
the rise of Adolf Hitler.
He took part in the last legal demonstration
of the Communist Party of Germany, days before Hitler became
chancellor.
It seemed to him that the Communists were the
only ones willing to stop the Nazis. He later explained that he
had become a Communist not as a Briton, but as a central
European fighting fascism.
“I didn’t want to break with the tradition
that was my life,” he remarked in an interview that appeared in
the New York Times on Aug. 23, 2003. “I still think it was a
great cause, the emancipation of humanity.”
Hobsbawm left behind a prodigious body of
work, but is probably best remembered for his three-volume
history of what he called the “long nineteenth century”: The
Age of Revolution, 1789–1848; The
Age of Capital, 1848–1875; and The
Age of Empire, 1875–1914.
He later added to his original trilogy The Age
of Extremes, 1914–1991,
on the “short” twentieth century. They remain
among the standard historical works for the period.
A year before his death Hobsbawm published
How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism, a defence of
Karl Marx’s continuing relevance in the aftermath of the 2008
recession.
I met Hobsbawm in 1994, at a conference on the history of British
Communism, held at the University of
Manchester. My paper, “Sidestepping the
Contradictions: The Communist Party, Jewish Communists and
Zionism 1935-48,” was on the same panel as one of his.
In the book of the conference proceedings
published later that year by Pluto Press, Hobsbawm wrote that my
paper, demonstrating the “disproportionately great” role of
Communism among British Jews, “can throw light on the history of
the lesser components of the multi-ethnic nation-state of Great
Britain.” I must say that I was flattered.
When Hobsbawm died in 2012, at the age of 95,
an appreciation of his life appeared in the Oct. 1 edition of
the Guardian, the left-liberal London newspaper.
“In his later years,” observed columnist
Martin Kettle and University of London sociologist Dorothy
Wedderburn, “he became arguably Britain's most respected
historian of any kind, recognised if not endorsed on the right
as well as the left, and one of a tiny handful of historians of
any era to enjoy genuine national and world renown.”
Are the ideals he espoused dead? Not
according to Joseph Fronczak, a Princeton University historian,
in an on-line June 9 article published in the Jacobin, the
left-wing quarterly published in New York.
“Hobsbawm’s vision of humanity-encompassing
Enlightenment ideals expressed politically in the form of
socialism, seemingly dead at his short century’s end in 1991,
now in 2017 suddenly appears once more in surprisingly sturdy
shape,” he asserts, “fortified for what looks to be another long
century.”
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