By Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
This March 18, Vladimir Putin will again be
crowned “tsar” of Russia at its next presidential election.
Others
who have announced their candidacies include the far-right
politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky, Yabloko party leader
Grigory Yavlinsky, Gennady Zyuganov of the Communist
Party of the Russian Federation, and television host
Ksenia Sobchak.
With Putin’s approval rating topping 80 per
cent, none have a
chance.
Domestically, despite western sanctions and
the dip in the world price of oil, Putin has kept his country
economically stable.
In relations with former Soviet states in
the “near abroad,” he has annexed the Crimea, with its ethnic
Russian majority, and has provided aid to pro-Moscow rebels in
eastern Ukraine.
In foreign policy, he can point to Moscow’s
successful intervention in the Syrian civil war as evidence
that Russia is once again a major player internationally.
Russia has conducted joint military
exercises with Egypt and signed a preliminary agreement for
its air force to use Egyptian bases.
In December, Putin visited the Middle East
and met with presidents Bashar al-Assad in Syria and Abdel
Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt to discuss the future of the region.
All this has endeared Putin to most
Russians, who believe in the importance of maintaining a
strong state domestically and the need to project the status
of a great power internationally.
There is probably no outright
ballot-stuffing in Russian elections, but they’re not exactly
free and fair.
The regime controls the largest television
stations, which remain the main source of information for the
majority of the population. And, given the close connection
between business and the state, Putin has the ability to
dissuade businesses from funding opponents of the regime.
Not everyone is allowed to participate in
the elections; the Justice Ministry decides.
One of Putin’s main critics, the liberal
Boris Nemtsov, was murdered in Moscow in 2015; many suspect
the Kremlin of being behind the assassination.
The dissident Alexey Navalny wants run, but
officials say he will be barred from running for public office
due to a conviction for embezzlement earlier this year, which
he claimed was politically motivated.
Though far weaker than it was earlier in
Putin’s presidency, the economy is predicted to grow by 1.7
per cent in 2017 after contracting by 3.1 per cent in
2015-2016.
But the decision to improve Russia’s armed
forces, the result of the 2008 war with Georgia and the more
recent interventions in Ukraine and Syria, has led to
increased military spending.
Under Putin the country began to push back
against Western hegemony. Some of this is due to American
failure to treat Russia as an equal during the turbulent Boris
Yeltsin years in the 1990s.
For Russians, this was a time of crony
capitalism, political embarrassment, and international
humiliation, and it enabled NATO to expand eastwards to the
very borders of Russia.
The 2014 Ukrainian uprising that removed a
pro-Moscow president and led to Russia’s incursion was the
fault of the West, according to Stephen F. Cohen, professor emeritus of Russian Studies at both
Princeton and New York Universities.
“If you’re sitting
in the Kremlin, and you see this as surreptitious NATO
expansion,” right in neighbouring Ukraine, “do you do
nothing?”
Putin thinks that the pro-democracy
protests in Moscow in 2012 and in 2017 were propelled by
Western efforts to undermine the regime and ultimately bring
about regime change.
Moscow also considers the recent Western
attacks on Russia for allegedly meddling in elections in the
United States and Europe as politically motivated.
Putin has turned a resurgent Russia into a
personalistic dictatorship and the election will be little
more than a referendum on his popularity.
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