By Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
If Corsican nationalists have their way, the
large French-ruled Mediterranean island of 330,000 inhabitants
would become Europe’s next big secessionist tug of war,
alongside Catalonia and Scotland.
On Dec. 10 the governing Pè a Corsica (For
Corsica) coalition won a convincing 56.5 per cent of the votes
in elections for the island’s territorial assembly. French
President Emmanuel Macron’s party, La République En Marche
(Forward), got just 12.7 per cent of the vote.
The nationalists’ victory was the result of
an agreement reached two years ago between the autonomist Femu a
Corsica (Party of the Corsican Nation), led by Gilles Simeoni,
and those seeking full independence, the Corsica Libera (Free
Corsica) of Jean-Guy Talamoni.
The nationalists will have 41 seats, a clear
majority in the island's 63-seat parliament.
With its strong indigenous culture and
language, closer to the Italians who ruled it for centuries than
to the French, Corsica, the birthplace of Napoleon Bonaparte,
has always had an ambivalent relationship to the mainland.
The nationalist alliance wants an amnesty for
Corsicans jailed for pro-independence violence, equal status
with French for the Corsican language on the island, and a
“Corsican resident” status to dissuade foreign and French
investors from buying up local properties.
Other
demands include more fiscal autonomy, control over the
island’s education system, and a greater say in developing the
impoverished interior of the huge island.
This was the second victory in a row for the
nationalists, who first came to power in 2015, and who now seem
to have consolidated their hold.
Simeoni, the chairman of the Corsican
executive council, told
the French government that he expected “a true dialogue, so that
the Corsica question is settled politically in a peaceful and
long-lasting manner.”
Macron now faces the dilemma of whether to
loosen France’s grip on the Mediterranean island or to maintain
centralised control.
The Elysée released a statement shortly after
the victory, saying the manifesto put forward by Simeoni and
Talamoni seemed “ambitious.”
France has always prided itself of being a
centralized state, and Paris has cultivated a policy of silence
when faced with the island’s demands.
“It’s
not indifference, it’s hostility,” contended Simeoni. “There’s
no room for demands like ours in the French framework.” He
called the French state “silent and
paralyzed.”
But there has been some state restructuring
in France, where limited forms of devolution have created new
tiers of governance.
One of France’s 18 regions, Corsica is known
as a territorial collectivity, and as such enjoys a greater
degree of autonomy than the French administrative divisions
known as departments; its assembly can exercise limited
executive powers.
Simeoni
is the former lawyer for Yvan Colonna, who was convicted of
the 1998 murder in Ajaccio of a government-appointed
prefect, Claude Erignac.
The
killing was considered the gravest act of violence in the
four-decade conflict led by the Fronte di Liberazione
Nazinale Corsu (National Liberation Front of Corsica).
Some
30 militants remain in French prisons but the extremists
renounced violence in 2014.
Talamoni, the president of
the Corsican assembly, believes independence is the island’s
destiny. "We’ve forgotten nothing about taking our country out
of the night into which France has plunged us!” Talamoni told a
crowd prior to the vote.
“There’s been a
‘massification’ of nationalism, it’s a nationalism that is now
inclusive,” according to Thierry Dominici, a Corsica expert at
the University of Bordeaux. This, he asserted, has
marginalized the traditional political parties.
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