By Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
The victory of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in the Polish election of
October 2015 has brought warnings of incipient authoritarianism, even fascism,
in that country. Some critics now call it an “illiberal” democracy.
Seemingly
capitalizing on the frustration of many Poles who felt that they had not shared
in their country’s economic prosperity during eight years of rule by the
liberal Civic Platform, the PiS captured nearly 38 per cent of the vote, while
Civic Platform finished second with about 24 per cent.
The party
won an outright parliamentary majority – 235 out of 460 Sejm seats -- something
no Polish party had done since the fall of Communism in 1989. As well, it had
captured the presidency five month earlier.
Almost
immediately, it was accused of dismantling democracy with policies designed to
limit civil liberties, control the education system as well as state radio and
television, politicise the civil service and neuter judicial independence by
putting the Constitutional Court under its control.
There is no doubt that the PiS is a socially conservative, Eurosceptic and
nationalist party, often at loggerheads with the Brussels bureaucrats who run
the European Union.
So what accounts for the party’s continued popularity? Much of it is the
result of its populist economic policies, which are in many ways on the left.
Many
Poles felt marginalised in a society where successive governments espoused a
“sink or swim” attitude towards citizens, irrespective of whether it was the
left or the right in power. Individual success was emphasised above all.
PiS’s
more communitarian approach appealed to many Poles who felt they now had a
party to vote for that was interested in more than just macro-economic
indicators.
PiS
promised them less condescension and more protection. It emphasised the need to
tackle inequality and propagate strong welfare policies.
The party
enjoys support among working class constituencies and union members. Miners,
farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners, are
among its electoral base.
The party leadership, in particular Jaroslaw Kaczynski, has
also managed to paint the EU elites as “fanatical” multiculturalists and secularists who are
furious that a traditionally oriented, non-politically correct government is in
control of Poland.
Strongly
Catholic in orientation, the PiS opposed mass relocation of refugees and
economic migrants from the Middle East to Poland.
But
Poland is still no dictatorship. Its civil society remains robust, and its
economy is diverse and lacks media oligarchs, notes Jan-Werner Muller, a
scholar of populism at Princeton University.
Proposals
to regulate independent media have been shelved, as were efforts to outlaw all
abortions, after thousands of women took to the streets.
Also,
whereas other populists admire Vladimir Putin, Kaczynski loathes Russia – not
surprising, given the historical enmity between the two countries.
Piotr
Wilczek, the Polish ambassador to the United States, responding to recent
alarmist reports about Polish politics, noted in a recent letter to the New
York Times that the PiS government “is carrying out reforms in line with its
electoral platform, which the voters overwhelmingly supported at the ballot
box.”
He
asserted that the government faces criticism by the political opposition and
media outlets, something a true authoritarian regime would not countenance.
“We have
a very engaged free media, representing a wide range of opinions, a vigorous
civil society whose expressions of different views can be seen on the streets,
as is the case in the United States, and democratic elections, which brought
the Law and Justice party to power,” he wrote.
He’s
right. When I visited Poland last year, people in cities like Krakow and Warsaw
were not shy in expressing their displeasure with the PiS.
Of course it pays to be vigilant in defence of
democratic norms. But there’s no reason to cry wolf at the present time.
Meanwhile,
Polish President Andrzej Duda will visit the White House Sept. 18 to discuss
trade, military, and security matters.
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