Professor Ilana Sabatovych, of the University
of Canterbury, in Christchurch, New Zealand, asserts that “the
revolutionary character of mass mobilisation movements, together
with the uncertainty of the link between democracy and
nationalism, may lead such movements to impact negatively on
democratisation.”
In “Does Nationalism Promote Democracy?,”
published in the April 2018 issue of the journal Contemporary
Politics, she contends that the mass protests in Ukraine in
2014, known as the “Maidan Revolution,” did not lead to
democratisation but rather to political polarisation and so to
an increase in right-wing populism.
So anti-Semitism, too, has been on the rise.
Although its 300,000 Jews are not threatened with destruction, Ukraine increasingly
exhibits outbursts of anti-Semitism in its political culture
and glorifies Second World War Nazi collaborators.
In its annual report on anti-Semitism,
published in January by Israel’s the Ministry for Diaspora
Affairs, Ukraine was singled out for the alleged
increase in attacks there.
But
the director of Ukraine’s Institute of National Remembrance,
Vladimir Vyatrovich, told Radio Liberty that “It is a pity,
but the results of the influence of propaganda are felt even
by documents of certain Israeli institutions.”
In December, Israel’s foreign ministry
condemned the “malicious” anti-Semitic graffiti daubed on Jewish
institutions in Odessa, and urged Kyiv to take “decisive
measures” against neo-Nazis.
The offensive markings were spray-painted on
several Jewish sites, including a Holocaust museum.
All the graffiti were accompanied by the
Wolfsangel symbol, widely used in Nazi Germany and popular among
Ukrainian neo-Nazis today.
A similar symbol is used by the Azov
Battalion, founded when war broke out in eastern Ukraine in
2014, as well as by several other Ukrainian far-right
organizations.
Andriy Biletsky, founder of Azov, has a
history of far-right activities. In 2016, he launched the
National Corps, the political wing of the battalion, and he now
sits in the Ukrainian parliament.
The
country also continues to whitewash the massive collaboration
of many Ukrainians with the Nazis in World War II.
Ukraine’s parliament in 2015 passed a law
that in effect glorifies partisans affiliated with the Second
World War Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its
military wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA).
The law states that those who “publicly
exhibit a disrespectful attitude” toward them will be
prosecuted.
It did not mention their xenophobic,
anti-Semitic ideology, which described Jews as a “predominantly
hostile body within our national organism.”
The law even bans books imported from Russia
if they contain “anti-Ukrainian” content.
Nazi
collaborators accused of complicity in the murder of Ukrainian
Jews have received honors from state authorities for their
fight against Russia.
On Oct. 14, thousands of Ukrainian
nationalists marched through the capital to mark the 75th
anniversary of the creation of the UPA.
It was supported by the right-wing Freedom,
Right Sector, and National Corps political parties.
Journalists reported seeing some marchers giving Nazi salutes. Since 2015, the anniversary has been marked as the Defender of Ukraine Day public holiday.
Journalists reported seeing some marchers giving Nazi salutes. Since 2015, the anniversary has been marked as the Defender of Ukraine Day public holiday.
In
June of 2017 Lviv held a “Shukhevychfest,” an event named
after Roman Shukhevych, featuring music and theatre shows. A celebration
of the 110th anniversary of his birth also took place
in Kyiv.
Shukhevych was head of a Ukrainian battalion
called Nachtigall that began
a series of pogroms in June of 1941that murdered
approximately 6,000 Jews in Lviv.
In
1942 Shukhevych established the UPA. Yet Viatrovych recently described
Shukhevych as an “eminent personality.”
Last October, the western municipality of
Kalush was sued for deciding to name a street for Dmytro Paliiv,
a commander of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS,
also known as the 1st Galician, comprised of Ukrainians.
Vyatrovich
has defended the displaying in public of the symbol of the
Galician SS division.
Responsible for countless murders of Jews, Nazi Germany’s most elite unit was comprised of Ukrainian volunteers.
Responsible for countless murders of Jews, Nazi Germany’s most elite unit was comprised of Ukrainian volunteers.
Displaying
Nazi symbols is illegal in Ukraine but the Galician SS
division’s symbol is “in accordance with the current
legislation of Ukraine,” Vyatrovich has contended.
Desecration of Ukraine’s Holocaust sites and
memorials has also become a problem. At Babi Yar, in Kyiv, the
Nazis killed over 33,000 Jews in September 1941.
Now, Jewish leaders in Ukraine have
criticised President Petro Poroshenko’s decision to involve two
supporters of the OUN, Bohdan Chervak and Volodymyr Viatrovych,
in plans to commemorate the Babi Yar massacre.
Earlier
anti-Semites are also being honoured. A statue of Symon Petliura, a
Ukrainian nationalist who is blamed for the murder of tens of
thousands of Jews during the Russian Revolution, was unveiled
last October in Vinnitsa. The city already has a street named
for him.
The estimates of Jews
killed in pogroms during Petliura’s 1918 and 1921 reign, run
from 35,000 to 50,000.
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